2026년 7월 2일 목요일

Sarah Schwartz - As an Australian Jew who publicly supports... | Facebook

National Herald - As an Australian Jew who publicly supports... | Facebook

As an Australian Jew who publicly supports Palestinian freedom, I’m targeted by my own community – and neo-Nazis
(Sarah Schwartz, The Guardian)
Jews should be able to criticise the actions of Israel without risking exclusion from communal life
As a teenager, I walked through concentration camps in Poland, where the Nazis industrialised the murder of European Jewry. That history has shaped not only my Jewish identity, but a commitment to political struggle. It taught me that memory carries not only grief, but obligations: to resist racism, dehumanisation and the silence that permits the erasure of a people.
Today, I’m giving evidence to the royal commission on antisemitism and social cohesion, established after the slaughter of 15 people at a Hanukah celebration at Bondi beach. Their murders demand an honest reckoning. The question is whether we can confront antisemitism without weaponising Jewish grief or turning Holocaust memory into a political instrument to silence the very forms of solidarity and dissent it should compel.
Over the past two years, as a Jewish person publicly supporting Palestinian freedom, Israel’s defenders have repeatedly turned symbols of Jewish persecution against me. Online, I am called a “Kapo” and “Judenrat”, invoking the institutions the Nazis created to make Jews complicit in their own persecution. Those who claim to be the inheritors of the Holocaust circulate memes depicting me as a rat, pin yellow stars on my clothing, place me on a train to concentration camps and describe me as “Hitler’s Jew”. During a live ABC interview, another Jewish guest declared that I was “an anti-Jew”. Afterwards, a publication launched a “debate” about whether that description was justified, as though my Jewishness itself had become a matter for public adjudication.
“There is something profoundly disorienting about being compared to Nazis”
At the same time, I’m a target of actual neo-Nazis. They traffic in conspiracies such as the “Great Replacement”, portraying Jews as the hidden force behind multiculturalism, migration and anti-racism. They recycle familiar caricatures of Jewish appearance and Jewish power that have animated antisemitism for generations. They are indifferent to my views on Israel. They target me because I am publicly Jewish, and because I stand with those they imagine to be the enemies of a white Christian nation: Muslim people, migrants and anti-racists.
There is something profoundly disorienting about being compared to Nazis. I understand why people reach for this language. For many Jews, the Holocaust is the deepest moral reference point. It is the vocabulary through which fear, vulnerability and collective memory are expressed. But the language directed at me is not simply an expression of grief or lateral violence. It is part of a political framework cultivated over decades: one that collapses Jewish identity into the state of Israel, recasts criticism of Israel as hostility towards Jews, and turns the Holocaust from a warning against atrocity into a test of political loyalty. Israel becomes the “persecuted collective Jew”. Its critics become antisemites.
Last week, a UN commission of inquiry concluded that Israel has continued to commit genocide through the deliberate targeting of Palestinian children in Gaza. It found that Israeli forces deliberately shot at children’s vital organs, used high-payload munitions in densely populated areas, and that starvation caused by Israel’s blockade had inflicted profound and lasting harm.
Rather than engaging with these findings, Israeli officials again reached for the language of historic Jewish persecution. They dismissed the report as part of an “anti-Israel narrative” and accused those sharing its findings of “parroting blood libels”, invoking one of history’s oldest antisemitic myths. The allegations themselves became the persecution. The question ceased to be what had happened in Gaza, but whether those describing it were the latest antisemites.
This framework has travelled well. Australia’s debate has become almost entirely disconnected from Gaza itself. We argue about protesters, slogans, university encampments and definitions of antisemitism. Universities adopt managerial policies to mitigate “controversy”. Regulators adopt contested definitions which chill speech. Journalists learn which stories attract organised campaigns.
For Palestinians, the result is global silence; turning evidence of mass atrocity into a debate about permissible speech. For Jews, it flattens our identities into allegiance to a nation-state. Jews who refuse that allegiance must be cast out. My attempted public humiliation tells Jews that our place in communal and public life is conditional on political conformity.
Over the past two years I have spoken to countless Jewish people who feel unable to express their political convictions without risking public exposure, family rupture or exclusion from communal life. After I was publicly described as an “anti-Jew”, one wrote: “Growing numbers of Jews are feeling excluded and betrayed by communal institutions because of their political convictions.”
No government or institution can or should decide the boundaries of Jewish identity. But they can stop reinforcing the fiction that Jews and Israel are interchangeable.
When the Holocaust is used to police Jewish identity, silence those who bear witness to atrocity, or to recast allegations of mass violence as acts of persecution against the accused, it is hollowed of any moral force.
Instead its memory should be not only about what we inherit, but what we choose to do with that inheritance.
Sarah Schwartz is a human rights lawyer and executive director of the Jewish Council of Australia
Image - ‘Over the past two years I have spoken to countless Jewish people who feel unable to express their political convictions without risking public exposure or family rupture,’ writes human rights lawyer Sarah Schwartz.

Photograph: Mark Kerrison/In Pictures/Getty Images







Well done Sarah Swartz. 👍
It is important that people learn the difference between Zionism, Israel and Judaism.
It is very obvious that people also do not understand what a Semite is. Zionists and European Jews are corrupting the meaning of Semite.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Semitic_people
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  • Sarah Swartz is an extraordinary person, as are other members of the Jewish Council of Australia, who have bravely spoken out against the genocide the Israeli govt is committing against Palestinians in Gaza. I implore other Jewish Australians, who have so far remained silent, to speak out in support - this is how we can tackle the major cause of anti-semitism in this country.
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  • Thank you Sarah for bringing a balanced perspective. The Jewish people opposing this genocide are the bravest people of all.
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  • Stand strong. This is about humanity, legality and justice not about being Jewish.
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  • Thank you Sarah. You speak for millions.
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  • Superb article which clearly separates the religion, culture from the present behaviours. Thankyou for your clarity and your ability to express what so many quiet people now feel.
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  • Sarah has my respect she obviously stands for human values
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  • 🙏🏼thank you for speaking out. Stay strong
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  • Thank you Sarah Swartz. More dialogue about this atrocity needs to be aired. Keep telling all those who try to silence this discussion to flip the blame to those who perpetrate hatred, ethnic cleansing and this abhorrent genocide instead of targeting honest people.
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  • Good on you Sarah. I admire your courage.👏🏻👏🏻👏🏻👏🏻
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  • Sarah Schwartz, I wish there are more Jewish people like you— sincere and not afraid to speak the truth.
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  • You are a courageous good person Sarah Schwartz ✊ Your words and strength matter so much in this dystopian time. Thank you ❤️🖤🤍💚🙏
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  • Good and loving God bless you Sarah Schwartz ❤️💐
    May be an image of text that says "Sarah Schwartz "A very brave, beautiful and courageous lady with integrity.""
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  • Never again means never again for everyone.
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  • Can Jews be accused of being Antisemitic…?
    Not sure if that’s possible…
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  • Wonderful woman
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  • You've got a ton of support from regular Australians. Thank you for your moral courage. But where are the rest of our politicians who should be standing up to Israel with you???
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  • Total respect
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  • Well said and thank you for speaking up!
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  • I am very sorry for your experience. It is also appalling how captured state and federal governments are captured by the Zionist money, creating laws that seek to silence our voice about the horror that today is Palestine
    Thank you for your post. While you speak for the plight of dissenting Jewish people, you also speak for many of us
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  • Sarah 💪🏼💪🏼💪🏼
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  • Thank you for speaking out Sarah.
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  • Thank you for sharing...now can you, maybe just a little, understand how a Palestinian may feel under the weight of Zionist actions????
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  • Well said
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  • God bless Israel 🇮🇱❤️
    The ancestral home of the Jewish people
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  • Take care
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  • Brave
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  • Sarah you are amazing, you have brought Zionism to the attention of all Australians, THANKYOU
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  • The group most responsible for destroying “social cohesion” in Australia is obviously Zionist Jews. They attempt to suppress opposing voices eg those supporting a Palestinian unlawfully sacked by the ABC (a tame lapdog at best) and others excluded from writers festivals. In John Lyons’ book he criticises Zionist Australians trying to prevent the news he supplied about Israeli discrimination against Palestinians.
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  • Good on you Sarah. It gives nobody any pleasure seeing the persecuted become the persecutors.
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  • Well said Sarah. Thanks for taking a brace stand.
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  • May be a black-and-white image of text that says "My mother Survived the Holocaust. BUT Died ashamed of Israel's in her, actionsinher,. herJows NGARNST actions Jews EWAR name. HOLOCAUSI SURVIVOR DESCENDANT AGAINST GAZA GAZAGENOCIDE GENOCIDE"
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    ....milk it luv....max publicity and fame....nothing like the adrenaline rush and there is no way back now...
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  • May be an image of text that says "MAY IRANIANS, WHO MOSTLY HATE THEIR LEADERS, BE SAFE. MAY PALESTINIANS. WHO MOSTLY HATE THEIR LEADERS, BE SAFE. MAY ISRAELIS, WHO MOSTLY HATE THEIR LEADERS, BE SAFE. MAY U.S. CITIZENS. WHO MOSTLY HATE THEIR LEADERS, BE SAFE. MAY ALL THE WAR-MONGERING AUTHORITARIANS BE DEPOSED, AND MAY THEY ONE DAY EXPERIENCE REAL JUSTICE FOR ALL THE SUFFERING AND DEATH THEY CAUSE. RABBI MARISA JAMES (adapted)"
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  • Perhaps if the Israeli Defence Force did not plaster the Star of David all over its uniforms and killing machines, people wouldn’t confuse genocide with Judaism?
    May be an image of text
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  • a truly fantastic post
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  • Brave people
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    Royal commission on antisemitism and social cohesion

    Conflation of Jewish identity with Israel driving antisemitism, Jewish Council says in submission to royal commission

    Progressive Jewish group calls for more focus on the threat from the far right and the recognition of a diversity of views within the community

    Tory ShepherdFri 19 Jun 2026





    Far-right extremism and the conflation of Jewish identity with Israel are the main drivers of antisemitism in Australia, the Jewish Council of Australia (JCA) says.

    In its submission to the royal commission on antisemitism and social cohesion, the liberal Jewish group calls for more focus on the “often overlooked” threat from the far right, and recognition of the diversity of views within the Jewish community instead of the “tendency to treat Jews collectively as representatives of Israel”.


    In the submission, which the JCA made public this week, executive officer Sarah Schwartz says the “resurgent Australian far-right is a hotbed of antisemitism even as it weaponises Jewish grief to legitimise attacks on migrant communities and religious minorities”.

    The submission says two important drivers of antisemitism are the “growth of far-right, neo-Nazi and conspiracist movements, which represent a significant and often overlooked threat to Jewish communities, and the aggressive actions of the state of Israel and conflation of Jewish identity with Israel”.

    That is “a conflation that the state of Israel itself has long cultivated and which causes direct harm to Jewish people worldwide when they are blamed for Israel’s actions”, the submission says.


    ===


    When you first heard me speak against this genocide, you heard my words as betrayal. But they were meant as love
    This article is more than 8 months old
    Sarah Schwartz





    Not speaking would go against everything I was taught to honour: the righteous among the nations – those who refused to be bystanders to injustice
    Wed 8 Oct 2025 14.57 AEDT
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    To those I have lost – the teachers, mentors, loved ones – who once taught me what it was to be Jewish. Those who once shared my table, yet now sit on the other side of a deep chasm.

    I write with hesitation. My words have been twisted before. But silence has become its own wound.

    We grew up in a world where support for Israel was assumed. Debate existed, but only within narrow confines. The state’s rightness, its necessity – these were never to be questioned.

    At 16, after visiting concentration camps in Poland, I went to Israel for the first time. I remember the shock of beauty, the sense of belonging. I believed the story: that our survival required this refuge. Here was the guarantee of Never Again.

    I did not dare to ask who had lived in the houses before 1948, who had planted the olive trees that grew by the roadside, who was being kept out by the guns and the barbed wire. I couldn’t – or maybe I refused to – imagine that the land beneath my feet was also Palestine.

    But you also taught me to wrestle. To argue. To resist. You taught me about the righteous among the nations – those who went against the grain, who fought fascism within their own communities, who refused to be bystanders to injustice.

    People participating in the Yizkor ritual for Yom Kippur – the holiest day in the Jewish calendar – block the Brooklyn Bridge on 2 October 2025 to protest against Israel’s military action in Gaza. Photograph: Adam Gray/Reuters

    So when I saw soldiers demolishing homes, imprisoning children, firing on protesters marching towards the border – and when I learned of the Nakba, the dispossession, massacres and theft – I could no longer cover my ears. How could I oppose dispossession here but defend it there? How could I denounce apartheid in South Africa and ignore it when it wore the Star of David?

    Yet when I asked about the walls, the occupation, the bullets, my loyalty was questioned. So I chose what seemed easier: not to wrestle.

    But that silence was a betrayal. It robbed us of the chance to begin hard conversations when they might still have been heard. Maybe it would not have changed anything. But maybe it meant that when you first heard me speak publicly – against this genocide – you heard my words as betrayal when they were meant as love.

    I wish I had told you, before our dinners grew cold, that one day I would speak loudly. Not to wound, but because not speaking would betray everything I was taught to honour.

    Because for me, love is not blind loyalty – to an ideology, a state or even a community. Love is to be whole and honest, not fragmented. It struggles and wrestles. Perhaps it refuses to let go.

    I have spoken not in spite of my Jewishness but because of it – in solidarity with Palestinians, but also out of love for you.

    Zionism – anchoring our survival to a nation-state built on another people’s dispossession – has not brought us safety. October 7 was a painful reminder that no one can be secure while others live under siege.

    The very act of oppressing others has changed us as a people. Our boots may be on their necks, but those same boots also shackle our feet.

    And so I can no longer separate our relationships from this struggle; it threads through the fabric of my life, pulling at every seam. Yet with every loss, new connections form. The glares of some are met by embraces from others. Some loved ones slowly and then quickly change, even though it costs them dearly, carried forward by love’s stubborn tide. This moment reveals that we were never singular. We were always fractured, questioning, complex – that was our strength. The danger was never difference; the danger was the oppression that demanded silence, that forbade questions, until even love could no longer be spoken.

    Jewish peace activists rally against the war in Gaza in New York on 4 August 2025. Photograph: Lev Radin/Shutterstock

    I now build within a new Jewish community – one which sees Judaism as diaspora and solidarity, not unquestioning support for a state. One that resists the conscription of our symbols into violence, the twisting of our history into justification for murder. One that sees Never Again as a promise, not a threat.

    But as we build here, questions remain. Do we keep wrestling with the institutions that are complicit, that have betrayed us, or build new ones beyond their walls? And if we build outside, what of our families already split? The siblings who no longer call, the Shabbat tables with empty chairs? What of our younger selves at the tables we have vacated, who without us may never hear another view? What of those of us who love people on the other side of the chasm?

    I’m told my words would frighten others at your table. Perhaps they would. But I am scared too – of returning and finding only silence, of being unable to speak, or worse, finding it easy not to. I am scared of not being able to look you in the eye.

    So we are left with words that hover like ghosts between us. They are love and grief and betrayal – the words I wish I’d said, the words I still cannot say.

    And I don’t know if they are words of wrestling, or words of farewell.



    2026년 7월 1일 수요일

    A generational shift is transforming the US-Israel relationship | Kenneth Roth | The Guardian

    A generational shift is transforming the US-Israel relationship | Kenneth Roth | The Guardian





    OpinionUS foreign policy


    A generational shift is transforming the US-Israel relationship
    Kenneth Roth




    The Iran war has accelerated the fraying of ties. An end to unconditional US support would force a reckoning with reality
    Tue 30 Jun 2026 
    ===

    Agenerational shift is under way in the relationship between the United States and Israel. Tensions were already palpable because of Israel’s genocide in Gaza. Benjamin Netanyahu’s role in pushing Donald Trump to join a counterproductive war against Iran was the last straw.

    Stopping unconditional US support for Israel would certainly be important for curbing US complicity in Israeli war crimes. It may also be the best thing for Israel if it is to have any hope of avoiding the dangerous dead end of relentless military escalation. And it is a prerequisite for Palestinians to have any prospect of escaping Israel’s endless occupation.



    The relationship between the two countries was not always as close as in recent decades. At Israel’s founding in 1948, Washington was supportive but with a certain reserve. President Harry Truman refused to send weapons to the new state. In 1957, President Dwight Eisenhower forced Israel to withdraw from the Sinai.

    But things changed when neighboring states attacked Israel in 1967 and 1973. Israel also benefited from portraying itself during the cold war as a bulwark against Soviet influence in the Middle East.


    ‘It’s become a litmus test’: wins for Israel critics shine light on key issue for Democrats

    Read more


    For many years, it became impossible to question Israel in discussions with most US officials. When in 2021 Human Rights Watch issued a report on Israel’s apartheid in the occupied Palestinian territory, it was widely welcomed around the world but landed in Washington like a lead balloon.

    That extreme deference was visible even as Israel committed genocide. President Joe Biden stopped delivering the 2,000lb bombs that Israel used to indiscriminately decimate Palestinian neighborhoods but kept billions flowing in other military aid and arms sales. Rather than condition military assistance on an end to Israel’s starvation strategy in Gaza, he organized an expensive and ineffective effort to deliver food on a makeshift floating pier. The starvation worsened.

    Biden was behind the times. Israeli atrocities in Gaza were alienating a growing percentage of the Democratic party and even younger Christian evangelicals. Christian evangelicals, far more than Jews, comprise Israel’s base within the Republican party.

    A Pew poll in April showed that 60% of American adults have a negative view of Israel, up 7% since last year and 20% since 2022. Among Democrats and Democratically inclined independents (which include most American Jews), a striking 80% have an unfavorable opinion of Israel. Among Republicans, a majority still supports Israel, but 57% of those aged 18 to 49 have negative views.


    Perhaps reflecting these trends, Trump showed more backbone than Biden when it came to standing up to Netanyahu. Mired in a 1967-era view of Israel as David surrounded by the Goliath of the combined Arab states, and fearful of attacks from the political right, Biden never used Washington’s enormous leverage to force Netanyahu to stop the slaughter.

    Trump did. To his credit, Trump saw Netanyahu as the regional bully, and after initially endorsing the ethnic cleansing of Gaza, came around to recognize that the starvation and killing had to stop. Trump insisted on a ceasefire, and Netanyahu had to agree, although since then, after announcing with great fanfare his Board of Peace for Gaza, Trump seems to have lost interest while Israel squeezes Palestinians into ever-narrower parts of Gaza.

    The disastrous war with Iran has accelerated Israel’s plummeting esteem in the United States. Netanyahu bamboozled the naive Trump into starting the war with enticing yet unrealistic visions of regime change – and no plan B. Instead, Netanyahu saddled Trump with an albatross – an Iranian regime emboldened by having survived an all-out assault with much of its missile and drone capacity intact, no further damage to its nuclear program, and a newly discovered weapon in the strait of Hormuz that made Trump desperate for a deal to avoid a midterm electoral drubbing. To make matters worse, Netanyahu kept trying to sabotage Trump’s negotiations with Tehran by periodically launching new assaults in Lebanon.

    US and Israeli interests no longer align. Trump wants a ceasefire; Netanyahu wants endless war. Trump wants to focus on business deals in the Gulf; Netanyahu is fixated on Iran. In utter frustration, Trump called Netanyahu “fucking crazy” for jeopardizing an accord with Iran by continuing attacks in Lebanon, while Vice-President JD Vance chastised Israeli officials for criticizing Trump’s agreement with Iran when Washington is pretty much the only ally that Israel still has.

    Within the Republican party, Trump is stuck between the competing demands of his isolationist “America First” Maga base, which thought from the outset that the war of choice with Iran was a mistake, and the traditional Republican hawks, who want a tougher deal with Iran, even though that is beyond the weakened Trump’s capacity to deliver.


    Meanwhile, Israel is becoming toxic for Democrats. In last week’s primary election in New York City, home to the world’s largest Jewish population outside of Israel, a place where candidates’ embrace of Israel used to be axiomatic, support for Israel has become the kiss of death. Mayor Zohran Mamdani called the pro-Israel lobby group Aipac “monsters”, and candidates spotlighted to devastating effect their opponents’ support from the group. Victorious candidates openly recognized Israel’s genocide and apartheid.

    Some Democratic dinosaurs such as the Senate minority leader, Chuck Schumer, still cling to the past, but their time has come. The future of the party lies in those who want to end the blank check to Israel and the resulting aiding and abetting of Israel’s genocide, apartheid, war crimes and endless occupation.

    Netanyahu sees the writing on the wall. Making a virtue of necessity, he speaks of the need to wean Israel from US military aid. But he talks optimistically of doing so over a decade. Israel will be lucky if the aid survives the next Democratic administration.

    Netanyahu may still lose the coming election, which must be held by late October. He is unpopular not only because of the paltry showing for his endless wars but also because of the long-pending corruption charges against him and the sense that he was so preoccupied by his far-right side projects that he ignored clear warning signs of Hamas’s deadly 7 October 2023 attack.

    But switching leaders will not end Israel’s pariah status if its policies remain unchanged. Repudiating Netanyahu’s callous indifference to Palestinian civilian life would require a new government to take a bold step such as surrendering him to face pending war crime charges in The Hague, much as the Serbian government did in 2001 to former president Slobodan Milosevic to secure the lifting of sanctions for Belgrade’s atrocities in Bosnia and Kosovo.


    That would be good for Israel, even if the Israeli public at the moment disagrees, and Netanyahu’s main opponents, even to his left, seem more hawkish than he is.

    There are limits to Netanyahu’s vision of forever war. Unconditional US support has enabled Israel to operate with a sense of impunity, knowing that the world’s superpower would stand behind it militarily, as well as at the UN security council if mandatory sanctions are ever threatened.

    That has left Israel with inveterate opponents – Hamas in Gaza, Hezbollah in Lebanon, and the Islamic Republic in Iran. Tehran has a nuclear program that was contained by the deal struck by President Barack Obama but unleashed when Trump, egged on by Netanyahu, ripped it up. How much longer will it be before the Iranian government learns the North Korean lesson and wards off further attacks by building, or buying, its own nuclear weapon?

    There have been times when Israeli governments have seen the virtue of a less bellicose approach. Peace deals made with Egypt and Jordan removed them as threats. The Abraham accords neutralized other Arab governments. The Oslo accords even generated the unthreatening, if corrupt and ineffectual, Palestinian Authority.

    Why can Israel trust the large Palestinian population of Jordan to live in peace but not the Palestinian population of the West Bank, East Jerusalem and Gaza? The distinction suggests that the problem is not the inherently violent character of the Palestinian people, as the Israeli government’s self-serving mythology would suggest, but Israel’s endless occupation – Israel’s refusal to recognize Palestinians’ right of self-determination, their right to a state. South Africa’s negotiated end to its apartheid regime despite the fears of its white population has positive lessons for Israel.

    Unconditional US support for Israel has allowed the combative approach of Netanyahu and his ilk to prevail. It has left them with the view that anything goes in the name of “self-defense”, that there is no such thing as a legitimate Palestinian quest for a nation state, only a Palestinian security threat. An end to that support would force a reckoning with reality, a recognition that the unrelenting subjugation of a people is a recipe for recurrent rebellion, while acceptance of their humanity is a prerequisite for peace.

    Kenneth Roth is a Guardian US columnist, visiting professor at Princeton’s School of Public and International Affairs, and former executive director of Human Rights Watch. He is the author of Righting Wrongs: Three Decades on the Front Lines Battling Abusive Governments