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David Horowitz - Wikipedia

David Horowitz

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
David Horowitz
Horowitz in 2011
Horowitz in 2011
Born
David Joel Horowitz

January 10, 1939
New York City, U.S.
DiedApril 29, 2025 (aged 86)
Parker, Colorado, U.S.
OccupationConservative activist and writer
EducationColumbia University (BA)
University of California, Berkeley (MA)
Spouse
    Elissa Krauthamer
    ​
    ​
    (m. 1959; div. 1978)​
      Sam Moorman
      ​
      ​
      (m. 1984; div. 1985)​
        Shay Marlowe
        ​
        ​
        (m. 1990; div. 1995)​
          April Mullvain
          ​
          (m. 1998)​
          Children4, including Ben

          David Joel Horowitz (January 10, 1939 – April 29, 2025) was an American conservative writer and activist. He co-founded the David Horowitz Freedom Center (DHFC), was editor of the Center's website FrontPage Magazine, and director of Discover the Networks, a website that tracks individuals and groups on the political left. Horowitz also founded the organization Students for Academic Freedom.

          Horowitz wrote several books with author Peter Collier, including four on prominent 20th-century American families. He and Collier collaborated on books about cultural criticism. Horowitz worked as a columnist for Salon.[1]

          From 1956 to 1975, Horowitz was an outspoken adherent of the New Left. He later rejected progressive ideas and became a defender of neoconservatism.[2] Horowitz recounted his ideological journey in a series of retrospective books, culminating with his 1996 memoir Radical Son: A Generational Odyssey.

          Early life and education

          Born on January 10, 1939 in the Forest Hills neighborhood of Queens, a borough of New York City,[3][4] Horowitz was the son of Jewish high school teachers Phil and Blanche Horowitz. His father taught English and his mother taught stenography.[3] His mother's family emigrated from Imperial Russia in the mid-19th century, and his father's family left Russia in 1905 during a time of anti-Jewish pogroms. Horowitz's paternal grandfather lived in Mozir, a city in modern Belarus, prior to leaving for the U.S.[5] In 1940, the family moved to the Long Island City section of Queens.[3]

          During years of labor organizing and the Great Depression, Phil and Blanche Horowitz were long-standing members of the Communist Party of the United States of America and strong supporters of Joseph Stalin. They left the party after Nikita Khrushchev published his report in 1956 about Stalin's crimes and his terrorism against the Soviet population.[6][7]

          Horowitz received a Bachelor of Arts from Columbia University in 1959, majoring in English, and a master's degree in English literature at University of California, Berkeley in 1961.[8][9]

          Career

          New Left

          After completing his graduate degree, Horowitz lived in London during the mid-1960s and worked for the Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation.[10][11] He identified as a Marxist intellectual.

          In 1966, Ralph Schoenman persuaded Bertrand Russell to convene his war crimes tribunal to judge United States involvement in the Vietnam War.[12] Horowitz would write three decades later that he had political reservations about the tribunal and did not take part. He described the tribunal's judges as formidable, world-famous and radical. They included Isaac Deutscher, Jean-Paul Sartre, Stokely Carmichael, Simone de Beauvoir, Vladimir Dedijer and James Baldwin.[13] In January 1966, Horowitz, along with members of the Trotskyist International Marxist Group, formed the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign.[14] The Vietnam Solidarity Campaign organized a series of protests in London against British support for the Vietnam War.

          While in London, Horowitz became a close friend of Deutscher, and wrote a biography of him.[15][16] Horowitz wrote The Free World Colossus: A Critique of American Foreign Policy in the Cold War. In January 1968, Horowitz returned to the United States, where he became co-editor of the New Left magazine Ramparts, settling in northern California.[11]

          During the early 1970s, Horowitz developed a close friendship with Huey P. Newton, founder of the Black Panther Party. Horowitz later portrayed Newton as equal parts gangster, terrorist, intellectual and media celebrity.[11] As part of their work together, Horowitz helped raise money for, and assisted the Panthers with, the running of a school for poor children in Oakland. He recommended that Newton hire Betty Van Patter as bookkeeper; she was then working for Ramparts. In December 1974, Van Patter's battered, decomposed body was found on a beach in San Francisco Bay; she had been murdered. It is widely believed that the Panthers were responsible for her murder, a belief also held by Horowitz.[11][17][18][19][20][21]

          In 1976, Horowitz was a "founding sponsor" of James Weinstein's magazine In These Times.[22]

          Rightward evolution

          Following this period, Horowitz rejected Marx and socialism, but kept quiet about his changing politics for nearly a decade.

          In early 1985, Horowitz and Collier, who also became a political conservative, wrote an article for The Washington Post Magazine titled "Lefties for Reagan", later retitled as "Goodbye to All That". The article explained their change of views and recent decision to vote for a second term for Republican President Ronald Reagan.[23][24][25] In 1986, Horowitz published "Why I Am No Longer a Leftist" in The Village Voice.[26]

          In 1987, Horowitz co-hosted a "Second Thoughts Conference" in Washington, D.C., described by Sidney Blumenthal in The Washington Post as his "coming out" as a conservative.[27]

          External videos
          video icon David Horowitz delivers a speech to the Ashland University College Republicans at the Ashbrook Center on November 11, 1991.

          In May 1989, Horowitz, Ronald Radosh, and Collier attended a conference in Kraków calling for the end of Communism.[28] After marching with Polish dissidents in an anti-regime protest, Horowitz spoke about his changing thoughts and why he believed that socialism could not create their future. He said his dream was for the people of Poland to be free.[29]

          In 1992, Horowitz and Collier founded Heterodoxy, a monthly magazine focused on exposing what it described as excessive political correctness on United States college and university campuses. It was "meant to have the feel of a samizdat publication inside the gulag of the PC [politically correct] university". The tabloid was directed at university students, whom Horowitz viewed as indoctrinated by the entrenched Left.[30] In Radical Son, he wrote that universities were no longer effective in presenting both sides of political arguments. He stated that left-wing professors had created an atmosphere of political "terror" on campuses.[31]

          In 2005, Horowitz launched Discover the Networks.

          Horowitz appeared in Occupy Unmasked, a 2012 documentary portraying the Occupy Wall Street movement as a sinister organization formed to violently destroy the American government.[32]

          Academic Bill of Rights

          In the early 21st century, Horowitz concentrated on issues of academic freedom, attempting to protect conservative viewpoints. He, Eli Lehrer and Andrew Jones published a pamphlet, "Political Bias in the Administrations and Faculties of 32 Elite Colleges and Universities" (2004), in which they find the ratio of Democrats to Republicans at 32 schools to be more than 10 to 1.[33] Horowitz's book, The Professors: The 101 Most Dangerous Academics in America (2006), criticized individual professors for, as he alleges, engaging in indoctrination rather than a disinterested pursuit of knowledge.[34]

          Horowitz published an Academic Bill of Rights (ABR), which he proposes to eliminate political bias in university hiring and grading. He says conservatives, and particularly Republican Party members, are systematically excluded from faculties, citing statistical studies on faculty party affiliation.[35] In 2004 the Georgia General Assembly passed a resolution on a 41–5 vote to adopt a version of the ABR for state educational institutions.[36] In Pennsylvania, the House of Representatives created a special legislative committee to investigate issues of academic freedom, including whether students who hold unpopular views need more protection.[37][38][39][40]

          David Horowitz Freedom Center

          In 1998 Horowitz and Peter Collier founded the David Horowitz Freedom Center.[41] Politico states that Horowitz's activities and DHFC are funded in part by Aubrey and Joyce Chernick and The Bradley Foundation. Politico stated that during 2008–2010, "the lion's share of the $920,000 it [DHFC] provided over the past three years to Jihad Watch came from [Joyce] Chernick".[42] Between July 2000 and February 2006 the freedom center provided a total of $43,000 in funding for 25 trips taken by Republican senators and representatives including Mike Pence, Mitch McConnell, Bob Barr, Fred Thompson and others.[43] In 2015, Horowitz made $583,000 (~$751,694 in 2024) from the organization.[44]

          Horowitz was the editor of the Center's website FrontPage Magazine. It has been described by scholars and writers as right-wing,[49] far-right,[53] Islamophobic,[57] and anti-Islam.[60]

          Political positions

          Horowitz was a former Marxist, but was later described as being conservative.[61][62][63] He has described himself as "a defender of gays and 'alternative lifestyles', a moderate on abortion, and a civil rights activist".[64]

          Horowitz wrote against United States intervention in the Kosovo War, arguing that it was unnecessary and harmful to United States interests,[65] but supported the interventionist foreign policy associated with the Bush Doctrine, including the 2003 invasion of Iraq.[66] He also wrote critically of libertarian anti-war views.[67]

          Horowitz opposed Barack Obama,[68] illegal immigration, gun control, and Islam.[69][70] He endorsed Presidents Ronald Reagan, George W. Bush, and Donald Trump.[71][72][73]

          Economics

          In his book Empire and Revolution (1969), Horowitz centered and adapted Bolshevik concepts in his historical analysis up to that point. Critical of Joseph Stalin,[74] Kenneth Boulding termed him a Marxist revisionist, who was comparable to Paul Sweezy and "curiously nationalistic". U.S. policymakers, he claimed, failed to apply Keynesian economics to internal needs and rather sought expansion of the market economy, resulting in U.S. foreign intervention.[75] His dialectical materialist view considered nations that underwent bourgeois revolution before the 19th-century, like the U.S., as needing to undergo a stage of capitalism. Contrasting the development of the Soviet Union, Cuba, and China to the Alliance for Progress, he affirmed the need for socialist revolution.[74]

          In 1979, he asserted in The Nation article "A Disenchanted Radical" that state socialism was liable to all that he had attributed to capitalism, including "exploitation, imperialism, pollution, misery, economic waste, national hatred and national oppression." "…inefficiency, lack of economic incentives, and, above all, the unrestricted role of the omnipotent bureaucracy…", he clarified, were unique drawbacks of socialism.[76] Following his political transition, he avidly opposed economic redistribution, claiming it a threat to individual freedom. By 2013, he rhetorically categorized anyone in favor as having a "communist mentality".[77]

          Race

          During his time in the New Left, Horowitz supported the civil rights movement. In the 1970s, he came to believe that the Black Panthers were involved in the death of his friend Betty Van Patter, souring the relationship between Horowitz and the Black Panthers.[78]

          In a 2001 column in Salon[79] he described his opposition to reparations for slavery, calling it racism against blacks, as it defined them only in terms of their descent from slaves. He argued that applying labels like "descendants of slaves" to blacks was damaging and would serve to segregate them from mainstream society. In the same year during Black History Month, Horowitz attempted to purchase advertising space in several American university student publications to express his opposition to reparations.[79] Many student papers refused to sell him ad space; at some schools, papers that carried his ads were stolen or destroyed.[79] Joan Walsh said the furor had given Horowitz an overwhelming amount of free publicity.[79][80]

          In 2018, Horowitz attracted many critical comments by attacking the Equal Justice Initiative's new National Memorial for Peace and Justice, calling it "a real racist project"[81] showing "anti-white racism".[82] "Lynchings were bad but they weren't mainly about whites yanking blacks off the streets and stringing them up".[82] "A third of the victims of lynchings were white. How many of them do you think this memorial features [sic]."[83]

          Criticism of Islam and Arab cultures

          Horowitz was critical of Palestinians, claiming that their goal is to wipe out Jews from the Middle East.[84] "No people have shown themselves as so morally sick as the Palestinians," he said at Brooklyn College in 2011.[85]

          Horowitz published a 2007 piece in the Columbia University student newspaper, saying that, according to public opinion polls, "150 million out of 750 million Muslims support a holy war against Christians, Jews, and other Muslims."[86] Speaking at the University of Massachusetts Amherst in February 2010, Horowitz compared Islamists to Nazis, saying: "Islamists are worse than the Nazis, because even the Nazis did not tell the world that they want to exterminate the Jews."[87]

          Horowitz created a campaign for what he called "Islamo-Fascism Awareness Week" in parody of multicultural awareness activities. He helped arrange for leading critics of radical Islam to speak at more than a hundred college campuses in October 2007.[88] As a speaker, he was repeatedly met with intense hostility.[89][90]

          In 2008, while speaking at University of California, Santa Barbara (UCSB), Horowitz criticized Arab culture, saying that it was rife with antisemitism.[91] He referred to the Palestinian keffiyeh, a traditional Arab head covering that became associated with PLO leader Yasser Arafat, as a “symbol of terrorism”. In response, UCSB professor Walid Afifi said that Horowitz was "preaching hate" and smearing Arab culture.[91]

          Horowitz used university student publications and lectures at universities as venues for publishing controversial advertisements or lecturing on issues related to Islamic student and other organizations. In April 2008, DHFC advertised in the Daily Nexus, the UCSB school newspaper, saying that the Muslim Students' Association (MSA) had links with the Muslim Brotherhood, Al-Qaeda, and Hamas.[92] The next month, Horowitz, speaking at UCSB, said that MSA supports "a second Holocaust of the Jews".[91] The MSA responded that they were a peaceful organization and not a political group.[92] The MSA's faculty adviser said the group had "been involved in interfaith activities with Jewish student groups, and they've been involved in charity work for national disaster relief."[91] Horowitz ran the ad in The GW Hatchet, the student newspaper of George Washington University in Washington, D.C. Jake Sherman, the Hatchet's editor-in-chief, said claims the MSA was radical were "ludicrous".[93]

          He became an early user of the question "Do you condemn Hamas?" which he directed to a Muslim student at the University of California, San Diego (UCSD) on May 11, 2010.[94][95] The student was a member of UCSD's Muslim Student Association, then holding Justice in Palestine Week, which students said Horowitz had referred to as "Hitler Youth Week".[94][95] In 2017, Horowitz's Freedom Center targeted pro-Palestinian professors and students.[96]

          In a 2011 review of anti-Islamic activists in the US, the Southern Poverty Law Center identified Horowitz as one of ten people in the United States' "Anti-Muslim Inner Circle".[97] He was also described as "the godfather of the anti-Muslim movement",[98][99] and as "possibly the number one counter-jihad personality", financing many other groups through his organization.[100]

          In 2017 Horowitz's center put up posters on university campuses naming students and professors who support Palestinian rights, with the names taken from the anonymous doxxing group Canary Mission.[101][102]

          Responses to Horowitz's views

          Some Horowitz accounts of U.S. colleges and universities as bastions of liberal indoctrination have been disputed.[103] For example, Horowitz alleged that a University of Northern Colorado student received a failing grade on a final exam for refusing to write an essay arguing that George W. Bush is a war criminal.[104] A spokeswoman for the university said that the test question was not as described by Horowitz and that there were nonpolitical reasons for the grade, which was not an F.[105] Horowitz identified the professor[105] as Robert Dunkley, an assistant professor of criminal justice at Northern Colorado. Dunkley said Horowitz made him an example of "liberal bias" in academia and yet, "Dunkley said that he comes from a Republican family, is a registered Republican and considers himself politically independent, taking pride in never having voted a straight party ticket".[105]

          In another instance, Horowitz said a Pennsylvania State University biology professor showed his students the film Fahrenheit 9/11 just before the 2004 election in an attempt to influence their votes.[106] Pressed by Inside Higher Ed, Horowitz said that the claim was hearsay from a "legislative staffer" and that he had no proof it happened.[107]

          Horowitz's books, particularly The Professors: The 101 Most Dangerous Academics in America, were criticized by scholars such as Todd Gitlin.[108] The group Free Exchange on Campus issued a 50-page report in May 2006 in which they take issue with many of the books' assertions: they identify specific factual errors, unsubstantiated assertions and quotations that appear to be either in error or taken out of context.[109][110]

          Chip Berlet, writing for the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC), accused Horowitz's Center for the Study of Popular Culture of being one of 17 "right-wing foundations and think tanks support[ing] efforts to make bigoted and discredited ideas respectable."[111] Berlet accused Horowitz of blaming slavery on "black Africans ... abetted by dark-skinned Arabs" and of "attack[ing] minority 'demands for special treatment' as 'only necessary because some blacks can't seem to locate the ladder of opportunity within reach of others".[111]

          Personal life

          Horowitz was married four times. He married Elissa Krauthamer, in a Yonkers, New York, synagogue on June 14, 1959.[112] They had four children together: Jonathan Daniel, Ben, Sarah Rose (deceased) and Anne. Sarah died in March 2008 at age 44 from Turner syndrome-related heart complications. She had been a teacher, writer and human rights activist.[113][114] She is the subject of Horowitz's 2009 book, A Cracking of the Heart.[114]

          Horowitz's son, Ben, is a technology entrepreneur, investor, and co-founder, along with Marc Andreessen, of the venture capital firm Andreessen Horowitz.[115][116]

          Horowitz's second marriage in 1984, to Sam Moorman, ended in divorce within less than a year.[117] On June 24, 1990, Horowitz married Shay Marlowe in an Orthodox Jewish ceremony.[118] They divorced.

          Horowitz's fourth and final marriage was to April Mullvain.[4] The couple met in the mid-1990s, and married two years later.[119] He and April lived in horse country northwest of Los Angeles,[120] where she rescues abused horses and provides equine educational programs.[119]

          Horowitz, in 2015, described himself as an agnostic.[121]

          Horowitz died from cancer at his home in Parker, Colorado, on April 29, 2025, at the age of 86.[122][123]

          Works

          Books

          Originally published in Ramparts as "Billion Dollar Brains" (May 1969) and "Sinews of Empire" (August 1969).

          Articles

          • Oglesby, Carl, and David Horowitz. "In Defense of Paranoia: An Exchange Between Carl Oglesby and David Horowitz". Ramparts (March 1975), pp. 15–20.

          References

          1.  "Salon.com News | Who's afraid of the big, bad Horowitz?". January 3, 2007. Archived from the original on January 3, 2007. Retrieved April 8, 2022.
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          90.  Trotten, Michael J. (May 13, 2010). "A Most Disturbing Moment of Clarity". Commentary. Archived from the original on August 14, 2014. Retrieved August 14, 2014.
          91.  Preston, Ben (May 15, 2008). "David Horowitz Provokes Extreme Response with Anti-Arab Remarks". Santa Barbara Independent.
          92.  Gottlieb, Benjamin (April 24, 2008). "Speaker Addresses Jihad, Role of U.S. in the Middle East". Daily Nexus. Retrieved February 27, 2017.
          93.  "An ad, certainly not an endorsement". The GW Hatchet. April 21, 2008. Archived from the original on December 2, 2008.
          94.  Culture, Ryan Smith Senior Pop; Reporter, Entertainment (October 12, 2023). "David Horowitz's "harrowing" Hamas exchange with student goes viral". Newsweek. Retrieved November 16, 2024.
          95.  Lopez-Hodoyan • •, Katia (May 17, 2010). "UCSD Student's Remark Triggers Controversy". NBC 7 San Diego. Retrieved February 20, 2025.
          96.  Stahl, Aviva (October 3, 2017). "Poster Campaign Calls Brooklyn College Students 'Terrorist Supporters'". The Village Voice. Archived from the original on July 13, 2025. Retrieved April 3, 2025.
          97.  Keller, Larry (May 29, 2009). "Deputy Sheriff's Murder Still Unsolved". Southern Poverty Law Center.
          98.  Lenz, Ryan (Summer 2014). "The Godfather". Intelligence Report (154). Southern Poverty Law Center.
          99.  Aked, Hilary; Jones, Mel; Miller, David (2019). Islamophobia in Europe: How governments are enabling the far-right 'counter-jihad' movement. Public Interest Investigations. p. 57. hdl:1983/cd525157-683a-493b-b27f-9a5ffbca312c. ISBN 978-0-9570274-9-7.
          100.  Nielsen, Nikolaj (April 16, 2012). "EU authorities accused of blindness on 'counter-jihad'". EUobserver.
          101.  Campion, Angela (September 26, 2017). "Targeted by David Horowitz? Fight Back: 6 Actions to Demand of Your University". Palestine Legal. Retrieved April 18, 2025.
          102.  Stahl, Aviva (October 3, 2017). "Poster Campaign Calls Brooklyn College Students 'Terrorist Supporters'". The Village Voice. Archived from the original on July 13, 2025. Retrieved April 18, 2025.
          103.  "Ex-liberal navigates right". USA Today. May 31, 2006. Retrieved May 1, 2010.
          104.  "University of N. Colorado Story Confirmed". Studentsforacademicfreedom.org. Archived from the original on October 16, 2015. Retrieved April 23, 2013.
          105.  Jaschik, Scott (March 15, 2005). "Tattered Poster Child". Inside Higher Ed. Retrieved October 27, 2018.
          106.  The Students for Academic Freedom report "The Campaign for Academic Freedom", p. 38
          107.  Jaschik, Scott (January 11, 2006). "Retractions From David Horowitz: Inside Higher Ed". Inside Higher Ed. Archived from the original on September 6, 2013. Retrieved April 23, 2013.
          108.  "Professor's Post: Todd Gitlin on Horowitz' 'dangerous professors'". StudentsforAcademicFreedom.org. March 1, 2006. Archived from the original on June 30, 2015. Retrieved April 23, 2013.
          109.  Free Exchange on Campus, Freeexchangeoncampus.org; accessed August 10, 2016.
          110.  Jaschik, Scott (May 9, 2006). "Fact-Checking David Horowitz". Inside Higher Ed. Archived from the original on September 6, 2013. Retrieved April 23, 2013.
          111.  Berlet, Chip (2003). "Into the Mainstream". Intelligence Report. Southern Poverty Law Center. Retrieved February 26, 2017.
          112.  Horowitz 2011, p. 92–95.
          113.  Palevsky, Stacey (April 10, 2008). "Teacher, writer, human rights activist dies unexpectedly at 44". JWeekly.com. Retrieved January 8, 2010.
          114.  Bunch, Sunny (November 25, 2009). "David Horowitz honors his daughter's life". The Washington Times. Retrieved January 8, 2010.
          115.  "Ben Horowitz (About)". a16z.com. Retrieved October 20, 2016.
          116.  Nathan-Kazis, Josh (May 17, 2016). "7 Things About David Horowitz, the Right-Wing Polemicist Who Coined 'Renegade Jew' Slur". Forward.com. Retrieved February 27, 2017.
          117.  "Disillusioned radicals: The intellectual odyssey of Todd Gitlin, Ronald Radosh and David Horowitz". ProQuest. Retrieved April 7, 2025.
          118.  Horowitz 2011, p. 413–16.
          119.  Horowitz, David (2015). You're Going to Be Dead One Day: A Love Story. Regnery Publishing. pp. 35, 37, 38 and 158. ISBN 978-1-62157-379-1.
          120.  Streitfeld, David (July 22, 2017). "One Family, Many Revolutions: From Black Panthers, to Silicon Valley, to Trump". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved April 6, 2025.
          121.  Horowitz, David (June 12, 2015). "David Horowitz: A romance of age". The Washington Times.
          122.  Gabriel, Trip (April 30, 2025). "David Horowitz, Leftist Turned Trump Defender, Is Dead at 86". The New York Times. Retrieved April 30, 2025.
          123.  "EDITORIAL: Long live the wisdom of Colorado's David Horowitz". The Gazette. Colorado Springs, Colorado. May 6, 2025. Retrieved July 21, 2025.

          Works cited

          Further reading


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          ===

          데이비드 호로위츠 요약 및 평론

          1. 요약: 극단적 전향이 그린 정치적 궤적

          데이비드 호로위츠(David Horowitz, 1939~2025)는 미국 현대 정치사에서 가장 극적인 이념적 전향을 보여준 작가이자 정치 운동가이다. 공산주의 당원이었던 부모 밑에서 자라 청년 시절 신좌파(New Left)의 대표적 지성으로 활동했으나, 이후 극단적인 신보수주의(Neoconservatism) 및 우파 우호론자로 변모하여 평생을 좌파 진영과의 투쟁에 바쳤다.

          성장기와 신좌파 시절

          • 좌파적 배경: 뉴욕의 유대계 공산주의자 가정에서 태어나 컬럼비아 대학교와 버클리 음대를 거치며 마르크스주의 지식인으로 성장했다.

          • 신좌파 활동: 1960~1970년대 영국과 미국을 거치며 베트남 전쟁 반대 운동을 주도하고 좌파 매체 <램파트(Ramparts)>의 공동 편집장으로 활동했다. 이 시기 흑표당(Black Panther Party)의 설립자 휴이 뉴턴과 깊은 친분을 맺고 이들을 적극 지원했다.

          전향과 우파 운동가로의 변신

          • 결정적 계기: 1974년 자신이 추천하여 흑표당의 회계사로 일하게 된 지인 베티 반 패터(Betty Van Patter)가 살해당하고, 이를 흑표당의 소관으로 확신하면서 좌파 이념과 운동 방식에 깊은 환멸을 느꼈다.

          • 보수주의로의 전향: 1985년 "리건을 지지하는 좌파들(Lefties for Reagan)"이라는 글로 전향을 공식 선언했으며, 1996년 자서전 <급진파의 아들: 한 세대의 오디세이(Radical Son: A Generational Odyssey)>를 통해 자신의 이념적 여정을 정리했다.

          • 대학 내 보수 운동: 우파 싱크탱크인 '데이비드 호로위츠 자유 센터(David Horowitz Freedom Center)'를 설립하고 온라인 매체 <프론트페이지 매거진(FrontPage Magazine)>을 운영했다. 특히 미국 대학가가 좌파적 사상 검증과 정치적 올바름(PC)으로 오염되었다고 주장하며, 보수적 관점을 보호하기 위한 '학술 권리 장전(Academic Bill of Rights)' 운동을 펼쳤다.

          • 문화 전쟁과 강성 행보: 말년에는 이슬람주의, 불법 이민, 인종 사상(흑인 배상금 요구 등)에 대한 강력한 비판을 이어갔다. 이 과정에서 이슬람포비아 및 인종차별적 언행으로 남부가난법률센터(SPLC) 등 시민단체로부터 강한 비판을 받았다. 도널드 트럼프 전 대통령의 열렬한 지지자로 활동하다가 2025년 86세를 일기로 사망했다.

          2. 평론: 내부자의 투사적 고백과 과격성에 갇힌 한계

          데이비드 호로위츠의 삶과 사상은 20세기 후반 미국 이념 지형의 극단적 대립을 체현한다. 그의 궤적은 신좌파의 폭력성과 도덕적 파산에 대한 뼈아픈 내부 고발로서 기능함과 동시에, 전향자 특유의 투쟁적 진영 논리에 갇혀버린 비극을 함께 보여준다.

          내부자가 파헤친 신좌파의 허위의식

          호로위츠의 가장 큰 지적 기여는 좌파 진영 내부에서 경험한 '폭력성과 위선'을 적나라하게 폭로했다는 점에 있다. 흑표당 사건에서 목도한 범죄적 행태와 이에 눈감는 좌파 지식인 사회의 제식구 감싸기는, 그가 마르크스주의적 유토피아주의의 위험성을 깨닫는 결정적 계기가 되었다. 그가 저술한 <급진파의 아들>과 같은 회고록은, 정당한 목적이 수단을 정당화할 때 발생하는 도덕적 타락을 내부자의 시선에서 날카롭게 비판한 고발장이다. 또한, 미국 대학 내 지적 다양성 상실과 일방적인 진보 편향성을 문제 삼은 그의 '학술 권리 장전' 제안은, 학문의 자유라는 탈을 쓴 사상적 도그마를 공론장에 올렸다는 점에서 일부 의미를 갖는다.

          전향자의 신드롬: 극단에서 또 다른 극단으로

          그러나 호로위츠의 비판 방식은 자신이 그토록 혐오했던 과거 급진 좌파의 투쟁 방식을 그대로 닮아있다. 그는 상대를 설득과 논쟁의 대상이 아닌 '괴멸시켜야 할 적'으로 규정했다. 좌파 진영을 탈출한 이후 그가 도달한 곳은 합리적 보수주의가 아니라, 증오와 음모론에 기반한 극단적 신보수주의였다.

          그가 전개한 '이슬람-파시즘 인식 주간'이나 대학 교수들을 겨냥한 블랙리스트 작성 방식(<가장 위험한 학자 101명> 저술 등)은, 그 자신이 비판하던 좌파의 사상 검증(Cancel Culture) 방식을 우파적 맥락에서 그대로 재현한 것에 불과했다. 이슬람 전체를 나치에 비유하거나 이슬람 학생 단체를 테러 집단과 연계짓는 식의 과격한 선동은, 합리적인 정책 비판을 넘어 정당한 대화의 장을 파괴하는 결과를 초래했다.

          총평

          데이비드 호로위츠는 과격 급진주의의 환상에서 깨어난 관찰자로서 정치적 메시지를 던질 수 있는 귀중한 위치에 있었다. 하지만 그는 과거의 오판을 씻어내려는 반작용으로 인해 또 다른 선동가이자 이념적 전사가 되는 길을 택했다. 좌파의 유토피아적 독선에 맞서기 위해 선택한 무기가 우파적 포퓰리즘과 증오 정치였다는 점은, 그를 '합리적 비평가'라기보다는 '이념적 극단주의의 비극적 초상'으로 남게 만든다.


          ===

          올려주신 8쪽짜리 <David Horowitz> 자료를 바탕으로, 인물 중심의 요약과 평론을 정리한다. 이 자료는 그의 생애, 정치적 전향, 대학·인종·이슬람 문제에 대한 입장, 그리고 그에 대한 비판을 비교적 압축적으로 보여준다.

          David Horowitz — 인물 요약 평론

          David Joel Horowitz(1939–2025)는 미국 현대 정치사에서 매우 특이한 궤적을 그린 지식인이다. 1960년대에는 마르크스주의적 신좌파의 핵심 인물이었으나, 1980년대 이후에는 미국 보수주의의 가장 공격적인 논객 가운데 한 사람이 되었다. 그의 생애를 이해하는 핵심은 단순히 <좌파가 우파가 되었다>는 데 있지 않다. 오히려 그는 청년기의 급진주의와 말년의 보수주의 모두에서 <이념적 적과의 투쟁>을 정치의 중심에 놓았다는 점에서 놀라운 연속성을 보여준다.

          1. 공산주의 가정에서 성장한 급진 지식인

          Horowitz는 1939년 뉴욕 퀸스에서 태어났다. 부모는 유대계 고등학교 교사였으며 미국 공산당의 오랜 당원이었다. 스탈린주의를 지지하던 부모는 1956년 흐루쇼프가 스탈린의 범죄를 폭로한 뒤 공산당을 떠났다. 이런 가정환경은 Horowitz가 어려서부터 정치와 이념을 일상적인 문제로 받아들이게 했음을 보여준다. 그는 컬럼비아대학교에서 영문학을 공부하고 UC 버클리에서 영문학 석사학위를 받았다.

          1960년대 중반 런던으로 건너간 그는 Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation에서 일했고, 자신을 마르크스주의 지식인으로 규정했다. 베트남전쟁 반대운동에 적극 참여했으며 Bertrand Russell의 베트남전쟁 전범재판과도 관련을 맺었다. 미국으로 돌아온 뒤에는 대표적인 신좌파 잡지 <Ramparts>의 공동편집자로 활동했다.

          당시 Horowitz는 미국 자본주의와 냉전을 제국주의적 구조로 해석했다. <The Free World Colossus>, <Empire and Revolution> 같은 저서에서 미국의 대외정책을 자본주의적 팽창과 연결하여 비판하였다.

          따라서 1960년대의 Horowitz만 본다면 그는 전형적인 미국 신좌파 지식인이었다.

          2. Black Panther와의 관계가 가져온 전환

          그의 정치적 전향에서 결정적인 사건은 Black Panther Party와의 관계였다.

          Horowitz는 1970년대 초 Black Panther 지도자 Huey P. Newton과 가까워졌고, 조직을 돕기 위해 기금을 모으고 Oakland에서 학교 운영을 지원했다. 그는 자신의 친구 Betty Van Patter를 그 학교의 회계책임자로 추천했다.

          1974년 Van Patter가 실종된 뒤 살해된 채 발견되었다.

          Horowitz는 Black Panthers가 그녀의 죽음에 책임이 있다고 확신하게 되었고, 이 경험을 통해 급진좌파 운동에 대한 믿음을 잃었다고 회고했다. 이후 그는 사회주의와 마르크스주의 자체에 근본적 회의를 갖게 된다.

          이 사건은 Horowitz의 개인사를 이해하는 데 중요하다. 그의 우경화는 단순히 경제정책이나 철학책을 읽고 생각이 바뀐 과정이 아니었다. 자신이 지지했던 혁명운동 내부에서 폭력과 권력욕을 경험했다는 개인적 충격이 있었다.

          그에게 신좌파는 이후 단순히 <잘못된 이념>이 아니라 <도덕적으로 위험한 운동>으로 기억되었다.

          3. Reagan 지지자로의 전향

          1970년대 후반 Horowitz는 사회주의에 대한 비판을 공개하기 시작했다. 1985년 오랜 동료 Peter Collier와 함께 <Washington Post Magazine>에 흔히 “Lefties for Reagan”으로 알려진 글을 발표하면서 정치적 전향을 공식화했다.

          1986년에는 <Why I Am No Longer a Leftist>를 발표했다.

          그가 사회주의를 버린 이유는 대략 세 가지였다.

          첫째, 국가사회주의가 자본주의보다 더 심한 억압과 비효율을 낳았다는 판단이었다.

          둘째, 급진운동 내부의 폭력과 권위주의를 직접 경험했다.

          셋째, 미국 자유민주주의가 자신이 젊은 시절 생각했던 것보다 훨씬 더 개혁 가능하고 가치 있는 체제라고 판단했다.

          그는 Ronald Reagan을 지지하면서 점차 미국 보수주의 운동 내부로 들어갔다.

          이후 Horowitz의 정치적 정체성은 단순한 <전향한 자유주의자>가 아니라 전투적인 반좌파 보수주의자가 된다.

          4. 그의 핵심 관심사 — 대학의 좌파 지배

          1990년대 이후 Horowitz가 가장 집중했던 분야 가운데 하나가 미국 대학이었다.

          그는 Peter Collier와 함께 <Heterodoxy>를 창간했고, 이후 <Students for Academic Freedom> 같은 조직을 만들었다.

          그가 보기에 미국 대학은 자유로운 지적 토론의 장소가 아니라 진보·좌파 교수들이 장악한 이념적 공간으로 변해 있었다.

          그가 제안한 <Academic Bill of Rights>는 교수들이 학생들에게 특정 정치적 입장을 강요하지 못하도록 해야 한다는 취지였다.

          그의 대표적인 저서 <The Professors: The 101 Most Dangerous Academics in America>는 이러한 생각을 가장 극단적으로 표현한다.

          Horowitz는 대학에서 진보적인 교수들이 보수적인 학생이나 학자를 체계적으로 배제한다고 주장했다.

          이 문제제기는 일정한 의미가 있었다. 실제로 미국 인문사회과학 교수진에서 진보적 정치 성향이 압도적으로 높은 것은 여러 조사에서 확인되어 왔다.

          그러나 Horowitz의 방법에는 심각한 문제가 있었다.

          개별 교수들을 <위험한 교수>라고 지목하고 정치적 성향을 공개적으로 공격하는 방식은 그가 주장하는 학문의 자유와 오히려 긴장관계를 만들었다.

          자료에서도 그의 주장 가운데 일부가 사실관계가 부정확하거나, 확인되지 않은 사례에 근거했다는 비판이 소개된다.

          5. 인종 문제 — 시민권 운동 지지자에서 반(反)정체성 정치로

          Horowitz의 정치적 변화가 가장 뚜렷하게 나타나는 분야 가운데 하나가 인종 문제다.

          1960년대 그는 시민권운동을 지지했고 Black Panthers와도 협력했다.

          그러나 이후 그는 affirmative action, 노예제 배상(reparations), 구조적 인종주의 개념 등을 강하게 비판했다.

          2001년에는 대학신문에 노예제 배상에 반대하는 광고를 게재하려 했다. 그는 오늘날의 백인들에게 과거 노예제의 책임을 묻는 것은 또 다른 형태의 인종차별이라고 주장했다.

          그의 기본 논리는 <집단적 죄책감>을 거부하는 것이었다.

          즉 개인은 자신의 행동에 대해서만 책임져야 하며 조상의 행위에 대한 책임을 후손에게 부과해서는 안 된다는 것이다.

          이 논리는 자유주의적 개인주의와 연결된다.

          그러나 문제가 생기는 지점은 그가 구조적·역사적 불평등을 지나치게 개인 문제로 환원했다는 데 있다.

          노예제나 인종분리의 영향은 법이 폐지되었다고 즉시 사라지는 것이 아니다. 재산, 교육, 주거, 고용을 통해 여러 세대에 걸쳐 축적될 수 있다.

          Horowitz는 이 구조적 측면을 지나치게 경시했다.

          6. 이슬람과 팔레스타인 문제

          그의 말년 정치활동에서 가장 논쟁적인 부분은 이슬람과 팔레스타인 문제였다.

          그는 급진적 이슬람주의를 서구 자유사회에 대한 심각한 위협으로 보았다. 2007년에는 <Islamo-Fascism Awareness Week>를 조직해 미국 여러 대학에서 강연을 추진했다.

          하지만 그의 언어는 종종 급진 이슬람주의와 일반 무슬림 사회 사이의 구별을 흐렸다.

          특히 팔레스타인인과 아랍 문화에 대한 그의 발언은 매우 공격적이었다. 자료에는 그가 팔레스타인 사회를 극단적으로 부정적으로 묘사하고, 이슬람주의자를 나치에 비교하기도 했다고 기록되어 있다.

          Southern Poverty Law Center를 비롯한 비판자들은 그를 미국 반무슬림 운동의 주요 인물로 규정했다.

          이 점에서 Horowitz는 냉전시대의 반공주의를 9·11 이후 <이슬람주의와의 문명적 전쟁>으로 옮겨간 인물이라고 볼 수 있다.

          7. Trump와의 관계

          Horowitz는 Reagan, George W. Bush를 거쳐 Donald Trump까지 지지했다.

          여기에서도 그의 사상적 연속성이 드러난다.

          그에게 미국 정치는 단순한 정책 경쟁이 아니었다.

          그는 미국을 파괴하려는 급진좌파와 미국 문명을 방어하려는 세력 사이의 투쟁으로 이해했다.

          그래서 후기 저서 제목들도 점점 전쟁적이 된다.

          <How to Beat the Democrats>, <Take No Prisoners>, <Big Agenda: President Trump's Plan to Save America>, <Final Battle>, <The Enemy Within> 등이다.

          이 제목들만 보아도 그의 정치관이 드러난다.

          정치는 타협이나 숙의라기보다 <승리해야 하는 전쟁>이었다.

          8. Horowitz의 가장 흥미로운 역설

          Horowitz를 단순히 <좌파에서 우파로 변한 사람>이라고 설명하면 가장 중요한 부분을 놓친다.

          실제로 그는 많이 변했지만 동시에 별로 변하지 않았다.

          젊은 Horowitz에게는

          <미국 제국주의가 악이고 급진좌파가 그것과 싸워야 한다>

          는 세계관이 있었다.

          노년의 Horowitz에게는

          <급진좌파가 미국을 파괴하려 하고 보수주의가 그것과 싸워야 한다>

          는 세계관이 있었다.

          적은 완전히 바뀌었다.

          하지만 세계를 바라보는 구조는 놀랍도록 비슷하다.

          <역사는 선과 악의 투쟁이며 우리는 어느 한쪽을 선택해야 한다>는 관점이다.

          이것이 Horowitz라는 인물을 이해하는 가장 중요한 열쇠라고 본다.

          9. 그의 장점

          Horowitz를 단순한 극우 선동가라고 dismiss하는 것도 충분하지 않다.

          그에게는 적어도 세 가지 중요한 통찰이 있었다.

          • 첫째, 급진주의 운동도 권위주의와 폭력에서 자유롭지 않다는 점을 자신의 경험으로 지적했다.
          • 둘째, 대학과 문화기관에서도 특정 정치적 관점이 지나치게 지배적이 될 수 있다는 문제를 제기했다.
          • 셋째, 선의를 가진 정치운동이 실제 행동에서는 억압적으로 변할 수 있다는 사실을 반복해서 경고했다.

          1960년대 신좌파 내부에서 활동한 경험 때문에 이러한 비판에는 일정한 내부자적 통찰이 있었다.

          10. 그러나 가장 큰 약점

          문제는 그가 하나의 독단에서 벗어나면서 다른 독단으로 이동했다는 데 있다.

          젊은 시절에는 자본주의와 미국을 구조적으로 악한 것으로 보았다.

          노년에는 좌파, 이슬람주의, 진보적 대학문화 등을 미국 문명을 위협하는 하나의 거대한 적으로 묶었다.

          복잡한 사회현상을 <우리와 적>으로 나누는 경향이 강했다.

          그래서 그의 후기 글에는 분석보다 정치적 동원이 앞서는 경우가 많다.

          특히 이슬람, 팔레스타인, 인종 문제에서는 집단 전체를 지나치게 일반화하는 경향이 나타난다.

          이 지점에서 그의 초기 급진주의와 후기 보수주의는 묘하게 닮아 있다.

          종합평가

          David Horowitz는 20세기 후반 미국 정치지식인의 극적인 변화를 몸으로 보여주는 인물이다.

          공산주의자 부모의 아들 → 마르크스주의자 → 신좌파 활동가 → Black Panther 협력자 → 사회주의 비판자 → Reagan 지지자 → 반좌파 보수주의 운동가 → Trump 지지자로 이어지는 그의 생애는 미국 정치사의 한 축소판처럼 보인다.

          그러나 그의 삶에서 더 흥미로운 것은 <좌우 이동>보다 <정치적 사고방식의 지속성>이다.

          Horowitz는 평생 정치를 실존적 투쟁으로 이해했다.

          젊었을 때는 혁명을 믿었고, 늙어서는 혁명으로부터 미국을 지켜야 한다고 믿었다.

          그래서 그의 사상을 한 문장으로 정리한다면 이렇게 말할 수 있다.

          <David Horowitz는 좌파에서 우파로 이동했지만, 세계를 선과 악의 이념적 전쟁으로 바라보는 급진주의자의 기질까지 버리지는 못한 인물이다.>

          그 점에서 그는 단순한 <변절자>도 아니고 단순한 <보수주의 사상가>도 아니다. 오히려 1960년대 미국 급진주의가 어떤 경로를 통해 21세기 미국의 전투적 보수주의로 변환될 수 있었는지를 보여주는 매우 흥미로운 사례라고 평가할 수 있다.

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