Sunday, July 31, 2022

God’s Chosen People:Protestant Narratives of Korean Americans andAmerican National Identity

Korean Israelites | PDF | Protestantism | The United States

God’s Chosen People:Protestant Narratives of Korean Americans andAmerican National Identity PhD thesis
 2007
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Koreans in Central California (1903-1957) by Marn J. Cha - Ebook | Scribd

Koreans in Central California (1903-1957) by Marn J. Cha - Ebook | Scribd
Koreans in Central California (1903-1957): A Study of Settlement and Transnational Politics

Koreans in Central California (1903-1957): A Study of Settlement and Transnational Politics

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The Korean Kingdom and the United States signed a Treaty of Amity and Commerce in 1882. This treaty opened Korea to American missionaries who proselytized Christianity to the Koreans. When Hawaii sugar planters recruited Koreans to come to Hawaii to work in the Hawaii sugar plantations, they picked most of the Korean Hawaii emigrants from the Korean Christian converts. Between 1902 and 1905, some 7,000 of them immigrated to Hawaii. Of those 7,000, about 2,000 transmigrated to the mainland. Most of these Hawaii Korean trans-migrants settled on the West Coast, primarily in California. This book tells the Korean immigrants' life stories in California's eight San Joaquin Valley farm communities: Fresno, Hanford, Visalia, Dinuba, Reedley, Delano, Willows, and Maxwell. It describes how they survived through discrimination and injustices in early twentieth-century America, and also details the Korean immigrants' efforts to regain their lost motherland from Japanese colonialism (1910-1945).



    Adopted Territory Transnational Korean Adoptees and the Politics of Belonging

    Duke University Press - Adopted Territory



    Adopted Territory
    Transnational Korean Adoptees and the Politics of Belonging




    BookPages: 344Illustrations: 15 photographs, 4 tablesPublished: November 2010



    Author: Eleana J. Kim


    Subjects
    Anthropology > Cultural AnthropologyAsian Studies > East AsiaAsian American Studies

    Since the end of the Korean War, an estimated 200,000 children from South Korea have been adopted into white families in North America, Europe, and Australia. While these transnational adoptions were initiated as an emergency measure to find homes for mixed-race children born in the aftermath of the war, the practice grew exponentially from the 1960s through the 1980s. At the height of South Korea’s “economic miracle,” adoption became an institutionalized way of dealing with poor and illegitimate children. Most of the adoptees were raised with little exposure to Koreans or other Korean adoptees, but as adults, through global flows of communication, media, and travel, they have come into increasing contact with each other, Korean culture, and the South Korean state. Since the 1990s, as Korean children have continued to leave to be adopted in the West, a growing number of adult adoptees have been returning to Korea to seek their cultural and biological origins. In this fascinating ethnography, Eleana J. Kim examines the history of Korean adoption, the emergence of a distinctive adoptee collective identity, and adoptee returns to Korea in relation to South Korean modernity and globalization. Kim draws on interviews with adult adoptees, social workers, NGO volunteers, adoptee activists, scholars, and journalists in the U.S., Europe, and South Korea, as well as on observations at international adoptee conferences, regional organization meetings, and government-sponsored motherland tours.View More

    Praise

    “By examining the dynamic history and relations among the concerned state actors, international and domestic adoption agencies, adoptee advocacy groups, and individual adoptees and their self-governance groups, Kim expands existing scholarship within Korean studies on the geopolitics of intimacy . . . and neoliberal and developmentalist modernity. . . . Adopted Territory may be of particular interest to scholars in the fields of Korean studies, Asian and Asian American studies, and anthropology.” — EuyRyung Jun, Journal of Asian Studies

    “Students and scholars of social and cultural anthropology, transnational identity and Korean and Asian American Studies will find Dr. Kim’s ethnography particularly informative. . . . Adopted Territory cogently argues the transformative potential of adoptee discourses on the inaccurate representations of adoptees as orphans and children, and the ideal family as a nuclear unit, and on challenging the state in social welfare provision. At the very least, for readers, it will re-shape conceptualizations of Korean identity and belonging.” — Ann H. Kim, Ethnic and Racial Studies

    “This scholarly study is of importance well beyond the Korean context.” — Shurlee Swain, Asian Studies Review

    “Adopted Territory is truly a groundbreaking publication. It not only contributes to the new fields of Korean adoption studies, adoption cultural studies and critical adoption studies that have emerged lately, but also to the unfortunately still too territorialized fields of Asian studies and Korean studies, which still need to become transnationalized and not just include diasporic Asians and Koreans on the research agenda, but also embrace such previously discarded, forgotten and ‘non-authentic’ subjects as adoptees living in Western countries.” — Tobias Hübinette, Pacific Affairs

    “Adopted Territory, Eleana Kim’s powerful and innovative book about Korean transnational adoption, brings both intellectual rigor and a fresh approach to the study of adoptive kinship.” — Barbara Yngvesson, American Ethnologist

    “Eleana Kim’s is a rare book: a remarkable history unfolded before her ethnographic eyes. . . . Adopted Territory should enjoy the scholarly attention of those with interests n kinship, family, globalization, and nationalism. . . . I am confident that readers will stand convinced that it tells a very large story about our times and cultural predicaments. I look forward to teaching it in courses on the anthropology of the family, Asian America, and the contemporary Koreas.” — Nancy Abelmann, Anthropological Quarterly

    “The many strengths of Adopted Territory are solidified by Kim’s lucid and stylishly crafted prose. One is propelled through the book by a beautiful balance of detailed empirical accounts and judicious use of cultural theory. . . . Kim’s work is an altogether new treatment of a number of themes known to transnational adoption scholars, defamiliarizing territory we thought we knew. At the same time, it will familiarize scholars from a number of other fields with the importance of adoptees’ stories and histories to transnational counterpublics.” — Sara Dorow, Contemporary Sociology

    “The reviewer, the father of two adopted Korean–British sons, found this work to be rich in its many observations and comments, its anecdotes and personal stories. . . . [A] worthwhile read for anyone with an interest in the social history of contemporary East Asia, transnational adoption, and North American–European social issues.”
    — James H. Grayson, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies

    “Adopted Territory is a tour de force, masterfully traversing a complex transnational terrain that is at once overtly public involving multiple vested interests and competing agendas, and intensely personal and emotive.” — Jessica Walton, Anthropological Forum


    “Adopted Territory is the best and most thorough treatment of transnational adoption that I have seen. Eleana J. Kim provides sophisticated analyses of Korean overseas adoption to the United States, and South Korean history and state politics, within the contexts of cold war geopolitics and the rise of the American empire, while also attending to issues of nation, race, citizenship, gender, social class, and culture. The breadth, depth, and scope of Kim’s analyses contribute importantly to our understanding of the people and the phenomenon. Her well-contextualized and sensitive discussions of adoptee subjectivities are of particular interest.” — Elaine H. Kim, University of California, Berkeley

    “This truly remarkable ethnography chronicles the birth and first generation of the global Korean adoptee movement. Adopted Territory brilliantly asserts that the movement is born of a powerful historical conjuncture among: the U.S.’s millennial culture of multiculturalism; South Korea’s aggressive globalization regimes and emergent democratic civil society; and adoptees coming of age. Adopted Territory offers also a sophisticated study of family, kinship, and nation through the challenging lens of adoption which Eleana J. Kim declares a veritable ‘catalyst for social transformation.’ A beautifully crafted multi-sited ethnography, Adopted Territory will no doubt enjoy a vibrant intellectual life.” — Nancy Abelmann, author of The Intimate University: Korean American Students and the Problems of Segregation
    ===
    Author/Editor BiosBack to Top
    Eleana J. Kim is Assistant Professor of Anthropology at the University of Rochester.
    ====

    Table of Contents

    Acknowledgments ix

    Notes on Transliteration, Terminology, and Pseudonyms xiii

    Abbreviations xvii

    Introduction: Understanding Transnational Korean Adoption 1

    Part I

    1. "Waifs" and "Orphans": The Origins of Korean Adoption 43

    2. Adoptee Kinship 83

    3. Adoptee Cultural Citizenship 101

    4. Public Intimacies and Private Politics 133

    Part II

    5. Our Adoptee, Our Alien: Adoptees as Specters of Family and Foreignness in Global Korea 171

    6. Made in Korea: Adopted Koreans and Native Koreans in the Motherland 211

    7. Beyond Good and Evil: The Moral Economies of Children and Their Best Interests in a Global Age 249

    Notes 269

    Works Cited 291

    Index 311
    RightsBack to Top
    Sales/Territorial Rights: World

    Rights and licensing
    AwardsBack to Top
    Winner, 2012 James B. Palais Book Prize in Korean Studies, Northeast Asia Council, Association of Asian Studies


    Winner, 2012 Social Sciences Book Award, Association of Asian American Studies
    ===
    Top reviews from the United States
    Shaleen
    4.0 out of 5 stars Not Kindle Friendly- An App Issue
    Reviewed in the United States on December 9, 2018
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    Eleana Kim's work is worth reading and I definitely recommend it to all. However, amazon needs to work on their Kindle Application, it is completely and utterly useless. I cannot see the page numbers and it is so glitchy
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    Etienne RP
    4.0 out of 5 stars From War Orphans to First World Citizen
    Reviewed in the United States on June 9, 2013
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    Recently Fleur Pellerin, a junior Cabinet member of the French government led by president François Hollande, made her first visit to Korea. To the French, she is known as an elite public servant-turned-politician and put in charge of the digital economy and entrepreneurship portfolio, and also as the only minister with an Asian face. In Korea she is known as "one of us" or a "blood relative", and during her business trip to Seoul she was welcomed as if she was the homecoming queen. She had a chat with president Park Geun-hye, and featured in many television shows and media articles. Her first name, Fleur ("flower"), led to a crazed "Fleur-mania", and her Korean name, Kim Jong-suk, was also made public.

    Like about 12 000 French citizen and 160 000 persons worldwide, Fleur Pellerin is a Korean adoptee. She left Korea when she was six months old, never met her biological parents again, and knows next to nothing about her birth country. For Koreans, she is the poor immigrant who made it abroad, and on top of that in a country known for its high culture and glamour - the conclusion of Korean TV dramas usually has the heartbroken heroin go to France to "refashion herself". But she also reminds Koreans of darker times, and of a phenomenon of transnational adoption that many feel awkward about. Not so long ago, the nation's pride in hosting the 1988 Summer Olympics was bruised by reports in the American press asserting that children constituted Korea's "largest export". Reaching out to adopted Koreans abroad, incorporating them in the community of overseas Koreans, and heralding their success was therefore a way for the Korean public to turn a sore spot into a matter of pride and celebration.

    As Elena Kim reminds her readers in her ethnography of adopted Korean communities, Korean adoptees came to the West in distinct waves. First came the war orphans and mixed-blood children of US soldiers and Korean women. Then, in the 1960s and 1970s, American and West European families adopted the offsprings of single mothers or poor households who were convinced to relinquish their newborn baby in exchange of a hefty sum. Today, nearly all the children adopted overseas are infants born to unwed mothers in their late teens and early twenties. Meanwhile, the Koreans adopted in the past decades have become adults in their country of adoption, and today form a global community composed of subsets of regional and online groups with distinct histories and concerns. Internet and globalization have brought them together, and many are claiming voice and agency as a particular public with shared experience and common bonds.

    The propinquity of money and children in transnational adoption and the attendant suspicion of human trafficking have made Korea's overseas adoption program a target of criticism throughout its history. It has been argued that orphanages (which were largely funded by Western relief organizations), and, later, state-subsidized adoption agencies, functioned as a surrogate welfare system and a conduit for foreign exchange. It has been further advanced that Korea's international adoption system not only retarded the development of domestic adoption and child welfare policies, but also provided a quick-fix solution that has been complicit in the social disenfranchisement of Korean women. Today South Korea has the lowest birth rate in the world, with fast increasing numbers of abortion and divorce. The "problem" of adoption (ibyang munje) has become a matter of public debate in which adult Korean adoptees and Korean birth mothers of an earlier period increasingly have a say.

    What is unique about Korea's adoption program? First, conventional wisdom in South Korea and in the Western countries to which adoptees are sent blames the persistence of Confucian family values and preoccupations with patrilineal bloodlines for the reluctance among Koreans to adopt "their children". This is changing fast, with placement agencies now under the obligation to encourage domestic adoption first and famous media figures making a public gesture of adopting their own children. Second, the Korean state has so far failed to promote extended models of family arrangements, provide adequate financial support for single mothers, or tackle the problem of inadequate sex education. Adult adoptees such as Fleur Pellerin and lesser-known figures could help challenge dominant representations and policy outcomes, especially when they come from Europe, where the social security system is well developed and recomposed families are almost becoming the norm. Third, the long shadow of stigma associated with unwed motherhood in Korea is slowly eroding as Korean society enters a phase of globalized modernity.

    But the most distinctive feature of Korea's adoption program is that it came first, and therefore became the template for subsequent programs. Korean adoptees represented a "social experiment", the outcomes of which were subject to intense scrutiny and debate since the practice began in the mid-1950s. Korean adoptions, determined to be largely successful by social workers and academic experts, expanded dramatically in the 1970s and paved the way for subsequent waves of adoptions of children from the developing world into white Western homes. By the 1970s, largely due to the success of the Korean model, transnational adoption became an institutionalized social welfare practice into many nations and a naturalized "choice" for individuals in the United States or in Europe. As Elena Kim notes, the adoption model is built upon the archetypal figure of the orphan who is construed as the ultimate figure of global humanitarianism, permitting Americans in particular to "save" children who are themselves often victims of American foreign policy decisions.

    Not all adoptees were raised in wealthy, happy families with caring surrogate parents. Some experienced hardships and rejection by siblings and relatives; a significant number faced racism and bigotry at school or in their community; and most of them had to cope with the awkward feeling of being "yellow outside, white inside". Adoption is based on separation, and the traumatic scene of abandonment sometimes lingers. According to adoption specialists, loss and grief are inescapable aspects of the adoption experience for all members involved in an adoption. Adoptees and their relatives construct "what if" scenarios and "phantom lives" of what they would have become if they had stayed in Korea. Some adopted Koreans dream of a more authentic self in their birth country, while foster parents or agency workers sometimes construct cautionary tales about girls being forced into prostitution or reduced to a dehumanized treatment. For the most politically oriented adoptees, crafting a germane public discourse for discussing the politics of adoption is a difficult process. Typically, the adoptee can only feel gratitude and indebtedness for having been given "life" and "opportunity" through inclusion in the bourgeois nuclear family, and more complex feelings of ambivalence, mourning, or resentment are suppressed, condemned as ungrateful, or pathologized.

    Faced with the taboos and emotionally charged issues that adoption raises, some adoptees simply choose to ignore their roots and go on with their lives. Others, increasingly, go on a quest for origins to discover the country of their birth and, for some of them, to try to meet with their biological parents. Since 2012, adopted Koreans can choose for double citizenship, or they can apply for a visa that allows them to live and work in Korea. But language and, sometimes, prejudices, remain a problem and put a barrier between them and the rest of the population. A social event known as The Gathering allows them to get together and share experience. Meeting other adoptees can feel like rediscovering one's lost tribe: "None of us had real peer groups growing up," notes one adoptee. "When we found each other, it was an electric thing." Self-exploration through shared storytelling is central to adoptee social practices and can be seen as a performative negotiation of self and world. The misadjustment or lack of fit with dominant national, ethnic, and cultural models forms the basis for creating a space where, as more than one adoptee has stated, "there's less explaining to do".

    Adopted Territories is a work of cultural anthropology that comes loaded with theoretical concepts and abstract discussions. For Elena Kim, drawing on social theorists such as Judith Butler and Aihwa Ong, adoption blurs and unsettles the categories of race, nation, and family. Not unlike the forms of gay and lesbian kinship identified by queer theory, adoptees' experiences with nonnormative family forms lay the ground for alternative forms of personhood and kinship, contributing to the production of a shared global imaginary that has taken on transnational dimensions. "Adoptee kinship" is defined as "a form of solidarity based upon radical contingency rather than biologically rooted certitudes". From this perspective, kinship is not a preexisting truth that is discovered or found, but rather a set of relationships actively created out of social practice and cultural representation. It is a model of kinship that is not exclusive but additive, transnational, and expansive. "Public intimacy", another oxymoron, designates the potential sites of identification and association that extend beyond the biological family, thereby producing new kinds of identities and intimate relations.

    The notion of "counterpublic", a term coined by Nancy Fraser in her critique of Habermas' model of the public sphere, "highlights the fact that the adoptee social imaginary exists in diacritical relation to dominant publics - whether in the United States, Europe, South Korea, or an increasingly transnational public sphere." The adoptee counterpublic is organized around a discursive process of identity construction in which adoptees endeavor to define themselves as a group that is distinct from others yet exists in relation to the wider public. By coining the notion of "contingent essentialism", the author points to the fact that "adoptee identity is at once essentialized as something natural and also construed as something cultural and socially constructed." Contingent essentialism is distinct from the biologism or genetic essentialism that characterizes much of the public discourse about adoptees and their "real" origins, identities, or families. Elena Kim defines "adopted territories" as "networks of adoptees and their activities, situated in a range of virtual and actual locations, that comprise the transnational Korean adoptee counterpublic."

    Borrowed from Judith Butler, the notion of "constitutive outside" points to the legal fiction of the orphan that leaves behind an excess of relationship, which "enchains" the child givers and recipients and "haunts" adoptee subjectivities. "Adoption not only makes children into orphans, but, over time, also produces missing persons," writes Elena Kim, who illustrates her writing with artworks from internationally adopted artists. The book cover, a community artwork conceived by artist and activist Leanne Leith, features numbered tags bearing travel certificates delivered by the Republic of Korea, each tag representing one South Korean gone missing through international adoption. Much as the abstract conceptualizations, the live testimonies of adoptees and art pictures displayed in the book illustrate the potent message of longing and belonging that addresses a constitutive dimension of our shared humanity. Korean adoptees or not, "we all negotiate contingencies of personhood out of insufficient and mutable categories of the biological and the social."
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    Mike
    5.0 out of 5 stars The definitive book
    Reviewed in the United States on December 15, 2015
    Tremendous book providing the history and roots of transnational Korean adoption, and why it isn't so simple to stop it. It is easy to read (for an academic book) and is wonderfully personal.

    My favorite part of this book, and something i have not found in any other book on this subject, is that it provides details on behind the scenes organizing of adoptees themselves - how they came together to create an international movement to change korea's policies from the inside. A fascinating look at one of the earliest uses of social media and shared identity to transcend national and cultural backgrounds for social change on a huge scale. Provides a full view of perspectives, including how even various adoptees think differently about these issues.

    This book is the definitive review and integration of the multitude of challenges, emotions, politics, and sensitivities involved in Korean adoption. We are lucky to have someone invest their life's time and effort, and produce such a coherent and complete work.
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    Clare Bonetree
    5.0 out of 5 stars Readable intermingling of scholarship and personal stories. Read this ...
    Reviewed in the United Kingdom on February 10, 2018
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    Readable intermingling of scholarship and personal stories. Read this to try to understand the cultural and historical context of my little brother's extraordinary life, and found it fascinating.
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    See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/241896210
    Adopted Territory: Transnational Korean Adoptees and the Politics of Belonging (review)
    Article  in  Journal of Asian American Studies · January 2012
    DOI: 10.1353/jaas.2012.0004
     
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    Adopted Territory: Transnational Korean Adoptees and the Politics of Belonging (review)
    Jiannbin Lee Shiao
    Journal of Asian American Studies, Volume 15, Number 1, February
    2012, pp. 131-134 (Article)
    Published by The Johns Hopkins University Press
    DOI: 10.1353/jaas.2012.0004
      For additional information about this article
    http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/jaas/summary/v015/15.1.shiao.html
     
                                                                                 Accessed 4 Jun 2013 21:22 ======
     
    Adopted Territory: Transnational Korean Adoptees and the Politics of Belonging, by Eleana J. Kim. Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2010. Xviii + 321 pp. $23.95 paper. ISBN 978–0–8223–4695–1.
    REVIEW ESSAY    JAAS  15:1

    Adopted Territory is a multisited ethnography of how a growing number of adult Korean adoptees have come to adopt each other as family and to project their perspectives into public debates about adoption across three continents. The author, Eleana Kim, tells a living history of breathtaking scope from the origins of “intercountry” adoption in World War II to the aftermath of the third “transnational” gathering of adult adoptees in Seoul, South Korea, in 2004. The incredible comprehensiveness of her research is matched by a restrained reflexivity that validates her ethnographic insights while successfully avoiding the pitfalls of advocacy, voyeurism, or narcissism. However, its comprehensiveness also raises more questions than can be answered without violating the author’s choices to “resist the taxonomic desire to catalogue adoptees” (19), “avoid sociological or psychological profiles” (86), and accommodate her activist subjects’ media strategy of refusing to attribute their political goals to personal histories.
    The greatest strength of Adopted Territory is its scope of evidence. Kim spent six years, from 1999 through 2004, “trailing and tracking the adoptee community” (15), including eleven months of fieldwork in Seoul and seven months interviewing members of adult adoptee organizations in Boston, Chicago, Los Angeles, Minneapolis, and New York. Even as she recognizes how her exclusion from adoptee-only spaces limited her observations, she negotiated enviable access as a trusted volunteer for both adoptee- and government-run programs. Indeed, she recognizes that her immersion in the field was so deep that her activities helped to constitute the very network she was studying. 
    132 •        JAAS        •        15:1
    Kim presents her study in three sections: an introductory chapter followed by two multichapter parts. The introduction begins with a revealing account of how legislative proposals in South Korea for reforming adoption have transnational repercussions, describes her methodology, and unpacks the book’s deep theoretical toolkit to frame the topic of transnational adoption within the literatures on stratified reproduction, Korean adoption history, the biopolitics of state power, and the influence of neoliberal modernization on family values. 
    In Part I, chapter 1 provides a thorough, binational history of Korean adoptions to the United States through an analysis of U.S. print media and South Korean state archives. This chapter contextualizes the popular attribution of these adoptions to the figure of Harry Holt by raising other essential elements: the dual role of U.S. servicemen as both the original abandoning fathers and the main supporters for early international charity, the entitlement expressed by certain American adoptive parents to remove children promised to them, the willingness of the South Korean government to fulfill those desires, and the resulting demand for Korean children that exhausted the supply of mixed-race war orphans by 1962, shifting overseas adoption to the full-Korean children of poor families and single mothers. The chapter effectively illustrates the de-politicizing sentiments that attach to orphaned children, the tragic irony of international adoption, and the incompleteness of spectacles that commemorate the humanitarianism motivating early adopters. 
    In chapters 2 and 3, Kim turns to her adoptee interviews to examine, respectively, the experiential basis for their sense of adoptee kinship and the historical formation of their organizational field. Critical to her analysis is her participant observation at adoptee-related events, where she could directly observe the formation of the adoptee “counterpublic.” Kim argues that adoptee kinship is based not only on shared childhood experiences with racial marginalization and ethnic essentialism but also on the lived understanding that it takes work for kinship, whether biological or adoptive, to feel natural. She also argues that the “mid-1990s revolution in home computing and the Internet was the key factor” (105) in scaling up adoptee kinship from local organizations assisted by Korean immigrants in Europe to a global network with a predictable seasonal calendar, annual leadership meetings, and a council of organizations that programs semiannual international “Gatherings.” 
    Chapter 4 provides an in-depth examination of the practice of adoptee kinship through an ethnography of the Gatherings, which have “emerged as the main forum for the collective production of Korean adoptee history and shared memory” (139). Kim observes that a core feature of these conferences has been 
    the adoptee-only workshop, which sorts adoptee attenders into discussion groups by birth year. Kim argues persuasively that these discussions have become “rites of passage for adoptees who, through talk and testimony, become initiated as adult adoptees” (151). She also argues that while the Gatherings are counterpublic alternatives to dominant assumptions about adoptees, they fall short as counterhegemonic projects that question the continuation of transnational adoption, an issue raised particularly by adoptees who have visited Korea.
    Accordingly, Part II focuses on adoptee experiences in South Korea, using Kim’s interviews with both adopted and nonadopted Koreans. Chapter 5 examines adoptees’ experiences of “return” in the context of Korean attitudes about adoptees and societal changes associated with the state-sponsored economic globalization project. Kim insightfully characterizes the adoptees’ returns as effecting a disorienting sense of time-space compression that, if prolonged, replaces “fantasies of national or familial integration” (176) with an identification with South Korea, albeit through membership in an expatriate adoptee community. Crucial to the emergence of this community has been the South Korean government’s invitation to adult adoptees via motherland tours since the 1980s; the rise of an adoptee organization in Korea; the passage of the Overseas Koreans Act in 1999, which included adoptees among those eligible for privileged visa status; and the rising demand for English-language teachers. These factors counter the frequent experiences of adoptees with cultural censure, epitomized in their encounters with taxi drivers whom Kim identifies as “the unacknowledged legislators of Korean ethnic identity” (187).
    Chapter 6 examines in further depth the wide-ranging, uneasy, yet necessary relations between adopted and native Koreans, this time in the context of South Korean democratization since 1993 and its associated expansion of civil society. These relations include, above all, the “powerfully emotional yet peculiarly impersonal” interactions between adoptees visiting an adoption agency to review their files and the agency social workers who control access to the files (219). Kim argues that adoptee advocacy nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) have filled the gap between the needs of returnees and the services provided by state agencies. This role expresses the emergent culture of South Korean democratic citizenship that defines personhood through volunteerism but also includes adoptees as objects of civic paternalism into a hierarchy of valued overseas assets, arguably below international Korean CEOs but above Korean Mexicans.
    More an epilogue than a conclusion, chapter 7 turns to the increasing visibility of Korean birth mothers in South Korean media to cast in relief the figure of the humanitarian orphan and how it continues to limit the voice of adult adoptees. 

    Unfortunately, this choice for a closing signals a weakness of the book: while there are many places in Kim’s study where she identifies the broader significance of a finding, these isolated moments are not synthesized into a coherent reconceptualization of what Korean adoptions (much less adoptee identities and adoptee returns to Korea) are cases of. Admittedly my preference might be grounded in a disciplinary bias for positivistic contributions to knowledge, but I believe the book would have been better served by a conclusion that revisited, and empirically integrated, the theoretical tools surveyed in its introduction.
    Overall, Adopted Territory is an excellent contribution to Asian American studies, ethnic studies, Asian studies, and adoption studies, especially as a model for multisited social research on transnational relations and cultural production. Its style is well suited for course adoption in interdisciplinary, upper division, and graduate seminars. Its unique approach would complement more traditional accounts of transnational and transracial adoptions, social movements, racial/ ethnic identities, and online communications.

    Jiannbin Lee Shiao
    UniverSity of oregon
    ======

     

    For Korean Adoptee Chefs, Food as Identity Is Complicated - The New York Times

    For Korean Adoptee Chefs, Food as Identity Is Complicated - The New York Times

    Food Is Identity. For Korean Chefs Who Were Adopted, It’s Complicated.

    Koreans raised by American families are exploring a heritage they didn’t grow up with through restaurant cooking — and finding both fulfillment and criticism.


    At Yangban Society, a restaurant in Los Angeles, Katianna Hong’s matzo ball soup encapsulates the chef’s identity as a Korean woman raised by a German Jewish father and an Irish Catholic mother.Credit...Lauren Justice for The New York Times


    By Elyse Inamine
    July 31, 2022, 


    Cooking Feast on recipes, food writing and culinary inspiration from Sam Sifton and NYT Cooking. Get it sent to your inbox.


    LOS ANGELES — Katianna Hong is tinkering with her grandmother’s matzo ball soup for a second time. The first time, she adapted it for a staff meal while she was executive chef at the Charter Oak in the Napa Valley.

    But here at Yangban Society, the Los Angeles restaurant she opened in January with her husband, John Hong, she’s making even more ambitious changes to the recipe, and in the process reimagining the cooking of the Korean diaspora.


    Image
    A defining component of Mrs. Hong’s dish is her “Korean mirepoix”: potatoes and hobak, a sweet Korean squash, cooked slowly in chicken fat until translucent.Credit...Lauren Justice for The New York Times

    Instead of the mirepoix of carrots, celery and onions her grandmother called for, Mrs. Hong opts for what she calls “Korean mirepoix” — potatoes and hobak, a sweet Korean squash — cooked slowly in chicken fat until translucent. She dribbles a spoonful of the mixture around a hulking matzo ball surrounded by swollen sujebi, the hand-torn Korean noodles, all floating in a bowl of chicken broth as creamy and cloudy as the ox bone soup seolleongtang.

    This isn’t fusion food that lifts flavors and techniques from different cuisines and lumps them together devoid of context. It is food that is deeply rooted, encapsulating Mrs. Hong’s identity as a Korean woman adopted and raised by a German Jewish father and an Irish Catholic mother.

    “The food we are doing is stuff that is authentic to us,” Mrs. Hong, 39, said as she prepared the matzo batter. “We were eating sujebi, and it reminded us of the homeyness of matzo ball soup.”


    Image
    Brimming with chewy sujebi in a seolleongtang-like broth, Mrs. Hong’s version of matzo ball soup is a tribute to her adoptive family’s background and her own heritage.Credit...Lauren Justice for The New York Times

    As Korean food continues to influence American dining, with Korean fried chicken and bibimbap appearing on all types of menus, a variation on that interplay is unfolding in the kitchens of chefs with backgrounds like Mrs. Hong — Korean adoptees who came to the United States in the 1970s and ’80s. These chefs are coming to terms with a heritage they didn’t grow up with. And they are enthusiastically expressing it through the very public, and sometimes precarious, act of cooking for others.

    In the process, they’re finding fulfillment — and sometimes attracting criticism from other Korean Americans that their cooking isn’t Korean enough.

    An estimated 200,000 Koreans have been adopted globally since 1953, roughly three-quarters of them by parents in the United States, said Eleana J. Kim, an associate professor of anthropology at the University of California, Irvine, and the author of “Adopted Territory: Transnational Korean Adoptees and the Politics of Belonging.”

    The aftermath of the Korean War left some children, many of foreign paternity, abandoned because of poverty and racial prejudice, she said. “During the subsequent decades, in the absence of South Korea’s welfare support for poor families, children born in poverty were quickly shuttled to overseas adoption agencies, which viewed South Korea as the main source of adoptable children.”

    In the United States, the number of babies available for adoption dropped in the 1970s, and American families turned to those agencies. Today, Korean adoptees remain the nation’s largest group of transracial adoptees.

    Food is a complex part of the adoption experience for many people born abroad because of the tight connection between cultural identity and cooking, said Kim Park Nelson, an associate professor of ethnic studies at Winona State University, the author of “Invisible Asians: Korean American Adoptees, Asian American Experiences and Racial Exceptionalism” and a Korean adoptee herself.

    “The most common example I hear, and what I have experienced, is being asked if I like kimchi,” Dr. Park Nelson said. “I do, but not all adoptees are crazy about kimchi.”

    “There is almost a nationalistic connection between kimchi and Korea,” she added. “It’s like a test question: Are you actually Korean?”

    To reflect their American upbringings and Korean heritage, these adoptee chefs — most of them now in their 30s and 40s — describe their cooking in a number of ways. To Mrs. Hong, it’s Korean American. Others call their food Korean-style or Korean-inspired. Some use the terms Koreanique, “vaguely Asian” or “kinda Korean.”


    Image
    The chef Melanie Hye Jin Meyer standing outside the Silver Ballroom, a pinball bar and the current home of her pop-up restaurant, Tiny Chef. Credit...Neeta Satam for The New York Times

    At Tiny Chef, a Korean-inspired pop-up restaurant in St. Louis, Melanie Hye Jin Meyer channels her restaurant experience, Midwestern upbringing and Korean identity in dishes like Spam musubi burritos and kimchi-enriched carbonara. But at first, she worried that her distance from her Korean roots would call the credibility of her food into question. (She has since reconnected with her birth family in Seoul.) She even lined up a backup job in case her business flopped.


    Image
    The prepped ingredients for Ms. Meyer’s quick-cooking kimchi carbonara, a fixture at her Korean-inspired pop-up in St. Louis.Credit...Neeta Satam for The New York Times


    Image
    Ms. Meyer stumbled across kimchi carbonara on TikTok. In her variation, she cooks down napa cabbage kimchi until soft and adds a little white wine to balance the buttery base.Credit...Neeta Satam for The New York Times


    Many adoptees learn about Korean foodways through libraries, friends and social media. Ms. Meyer would watch YouTube videos and go down internet rabbit holes. One day, her searches led her to try making tteokbokki, the tender, bouncy rice cakes often purchased ready-made from frozen food aisles, from scratch.

    “The first time I made it, I completely messed it up and ended up rage-throwing it all away,” Ms. Meyer said. “I broke down. It was almost like, ‘I am not good enough to be making this,’ or ‘I am not Korean enough to be making this.’”

    For a Korean adoptee, eating Korean food can be a reminder of the loss, grief and disconnection they’ve experienced. Cooking may intensify those feelings.

    Alyse Whitney, a food editor and the creator of an online recipe exchange called the Adoptee Potluck Club, has written about her own fleeting experiences with Korean cooking while growing up. That lack of early exposure to the cuisine can create even more challenges for adoptees who cook professionally.



    “When chefs weren’t raised by Koreans and don’t have that intrinsic knowledge of Korean food, it can be really scary to take on Korean flavor profiles,” she said.

    In spite of that, adoptee chefs, many of whom began cooking Korean dishes only later on in their restaurant careers, are making delicious, thoughtfully researched food, as intricate and varied as they are.

    When the chef Matt Blesse decided to move back to South Korea, he set out to explore Korean cooking, and started Actually Good, a Seoul pop-up restaurant that pairs rice-based cheongju with experimental Korean food like pork shoulder cured in the cheongju lees, roasted and served ssam-style.

    At the “vaguely Asian” restaurant Porcelain in New York City, the chef Kate Telfeyan marinates chicken halves in her kimchi brine, then fries them until the reddish skin is bubbled and crackly.


    Image
    The chef Peter Serpico carefully flips his fish-sauce-forward hobak jeon at his Philadelphia home. The fried zucchini is inspired by his mother-in-law’s banchan.Credit...Hannah Yoon for The New York Times

    With an assist from his daughter, Charlie Serpico, Mr. Serpico finishes the hobak jeon with sesame seeds. The recipe appears in his cookbook, “Learning Korean.”Credit...Hannah Yoon for The New York Times

    In his cookbook, “Learning Korean,” published in May, the Philadelphia chef Peter Serpico shares his battered, fish-sauce-laden zucchini with a lightly sweet soy dipping sauce, a riff on his mother-in-law’s banchan.

    At Yangban Society, Mrs. Hong combines jajangmyeon sauce with the classic Bolognese she picked up while working at an Italian restaurant, and serves the black-bean-spiked ragù over rice. And at Graze in Madison, Wis., the chef Tory Miller brushes gochujang barbecue sauce over grilled pork tenderloin and spare ribs, a condiment he dreamed up last summer while running a pop-up called Miller Family Meat & Three.



    Mr. Miller said he finally felt comfortable with his identity by the time he opened his pop-up, and it showed in the menu. “I felt free to be like, this is what it is and this is the food I want to make,” he said.


    Image
    In his backyard in Madison, Wis., the chef Tory Miller glazed his grilled chicken with gochujang barbecue sauce. He developed the condiment for a pop-up, and now uses it regularly at his restaurant, Graze.Credit...Andy Manis for The New York Times

    But getting to that point can take time. Feelings of self-doubt — the impostor syndrome — can turn into fears of cultural appropriation. Many adoptee chefs say they feel like outsiders looking in, wondering not only if they have permission to cook the cuisine of their heritage, but also if what they’re doing could taint it.

    “Korean food has that pride in how it’s made, since it speaks to the culture and to a way of life,” said Ms. Telfeyan, who grew up in a small, predominantly white Rhode Island town. “When I make kimchi at the restaurant, I’m sticking it in Cambros instead of traditional clay pots. I worry about how authentic my Korean food is since I didn’t grow up eating or making it with my parents or the community I lived in.”

    In addition to navigating their own complicated relationships with Korean food, these chefs also have to consider customer perceptions. With the cuisine’s growing footprint in the United States comes high expectations among non-Korean and Korean diners, who can hold the cooking to rigid definitions of authenticity.

    “In some ways, Korean food becomes a marker of what you aren’t,” Mr. Blesse said.

    Only later in Mr. Serpico’s career did he begin to focus on Korean cooking. Pete’s Place, 

    Mr. Serpico recalls one memorable complaint from a Korean woman during the summer of 2020, when he was cooking at the Philadelphia takeout and delivery pop-up Pete’s Place, a collaboration with the restaurateur Stephen Starr, who is white. The pop-up advertised its food as “kinda Korean.”

    The woman called the restaurant to say she was skeptical of the overall concept and Mr. Starr’s involvement. The general manager told her that the chef was Korean.

    “She was like, ‘He’s adopted. He’s not really Korean,’” Mr. Serpico said. “She tried to have a Korean-off. I’ve dealt with this my entire life.”

    Mr. Miller remembers overhearing a table of Asian customers at Sujeo, his former restaurant in Madison. One guest remarked to the group that Mr. Miller was Korean; another replied with, “Well, he’s adopted.”

    Mr. Miller, who had already taken pains to describe Sujeo as “pan-Asian” — even though about half the menu was Korean — was crushed.

    The pressure makes Dr. Park Nelson wonder: “Why would any Korean adoptee chef want to cook Korean food?”

    For these chefs, cooking is the ultimate reclamation of their Koreanness — and an act that pushes the cuisine to exciting places.

    “The markers of being Korean are so small, but the Korean diaspora is so wide,” Mr. Blesse said. “There has to be room for things to open up, for Korean food to expand.”

    Recipes: Kimchi Carbonara | Hobak Jeon (Pan-Fried Zucchini) | Gochujang Barbecue Sauce
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    Tuesday, July 26, 2022

    Buffy Sainte-Marie wants more than just an apology from the Pope | CBC News

    Buffy Sainte-Marie wants more than just an apology from the Pope | CBC News

    Buffy Sainte-Marie wants more than just an apology from the Pope

    Award-winning artist and activist calls for dissolution of Doctrine of Discovery

    Buffy Sainte-Marie: ‘I don't care about an apology’

    1 month ago
    Duration7:38
    Songwriter and activist Buffy Sainte-Marie talks to The National’s Adrienne Arsenault about using her platform to educate, the path to reconciliation, and what it would take for a papal apology to have real meaning for Indigenous people.

    Warning: This story contains distressing details.

    Songwriter, educator and human rights advocate Buffy Sainte-Marie says the Pope's upcoming visit to Canada and expected apology for the church's involvement in the residential school system won't mean a thing if he doesn't call for the dissolution of the Doctrine of Discovery.

    "The apology is just the beginning, of course," she said.

    The doctrine is an international framework based on a series of decrees from the Pope, called "papal bulls," that were released in the 1400s and 1500s. This framework laid the legal and moral foundation for how Canada and other countries came to be colonized by European settlers.

    As Sainte-Marie put it, "The Doctrine of Discovery essentially says it's okay if you're a [Christian] European explorer … to go anywhere in the world and either convert people and enslave, or you've got to kill them."

    As noted by the Assembly of First Nations, legal arguments relying on the Doctrine of Discovery continue to affect modern court rulings. As laid out in a 2018 document, the AFN says that doctrine is the root cause of multiple historical and ongoing injustices against Indigenous peoples.

    Saint-Marie made the comments during a wide-ranging interview with The National's Adrienne Arsenault. The two discussed recent headlines related to Indigenous people, as well as her long career as an artist and activist.

    A woman sits in front of some trees.
    Buffy Sainte-Marie said that when she works to raise awareness about the history and impact of residential schools, 'You're not trying to scold ... you're trying to inform.' (Evan Mitsui/CBC)

    Sainte-Marie is as outspoken and vibrant as ever. At 81 years old, she bounced into the interview in Toronto with the jovial energy of a child, then proceeded to say she was actually pretty tired. Even an Oscar-winning songwriter and an Indigenous icon isn't immune to the airline problems and delays currently plaguing North America, it seems.

    "I just spent three days in Denver Airport sleeping on benches and the floor and everything," she said.

    "Yeah, everyone's overwhelmed and it was just awful. But I'm good, I'm glad I'm here."

    A woman sits in a chair in the background speaking to a woman in the foreground.
    Sainte-Marie, left, speaks with the CBC’s Adrienne Arsenault at the CBC Broadcast Centre in Toronto about her career as an artist and activist. (Evan Mitsui/CBC)

    When asked about her optimistic demeanour and ever-present smile even in the face of troubling times, Sainte-Marie sat back to think before responding.

    "I'm kind of the same way as I was when I was a little kid. Very young, I learned that sometimes grown-ups are wrong and kids are right," she said.

    "For instance, I was told I couldn't be a musician because I couldn't read music. Therefore you can't be a musician, you know? I was told I couldn't be Indigenous because there aren't any more around here — I've kept that with me my whole life.

    "And when somebody comes up to me and says something that to me is just kind of not right on, I make it fun to find out how it could be made better. And that does something for me."

    A woman sits in a grassy valley with a guitar.
    Sainte-Marie in Saskatchewan during the filming of a 1994 CBC special. (CBC Still Image Library)

    To look back at Sainte-Marie's career is to see an artist determined to use her platform to counter cultural stereotypes and talk about the realities of the treatment of Indigenous people.

    In 1966, at the age of 25, she appeared on CBC Television's TBA and played My Country 'Tis of Thy People You're Dying, a song detailing the atrocities of Canada's residential school programs. Before singing it, she told the host about her outrage at stereotypical portrayals of Indigenous people.

    WATCH | Buffy Sainte-Marie comments on Indigenous stereotypes in 1966:

    Buffy Sainte-Marie comments on Indigenous stereotypes in 1966

    1 month ago
    Duration1:21
    25-year-old Buffy Sainte-Marie appears on CBC Television’s TBA in 1966. She expresses concern and dismay over stereotypical portrayals of Indigenous people in movies and history books.

    "That's the way I have felt all along. But it's not just me," she told Arsenault, after watching the archive clip. "We've all been feeling that way. But I have a platform, so I've been in a position to shoot my mouth off."

    Sainte-Marie's message hasn't always been well received, with interviewers asking things like, "Do you worry people say, 'I wonder if she ever has fun?'" in a 1986 interview on Midday, or simply diminishing her concerns by describing her as an "emotional woman" on As It Happens in 1977.

    As Arsenault described those interviews as being awkward, Sainte-Marie nodded and summed up the patronizing attitudes she faced this way: "Oh yes, the Little Indian Girl must be mistaken. She's nice and she's cute. We like her. But she's really mistaken. It can't be true."

    WATCH | Buffy Sainte-Marie on how some people have tried to dismiss her messages about Indigenous history:

    Buffy Sainte-Marie on how some people have tried to dismiss her messages about Indigenous history

    1 month ago
    Duration0:34
    Songwriter and activist Buffy Sainte-Marie talks to CBC's Adrienne Arsenault about how interviewers have often tried to dismiss her message when she has tried to counter Indigenous stereotypes and convey the realities of residential schools.

    Sainte-Marie said it's an attitude she still faces. Yet she considers it an honour to use the platform she's been given to inform others. To stave off the frustration, she said she leans on something she learned before she became a songwriter, while doing her teaching degree.

    "You're not trying to scold the student for not knowing. You're trying to inform them."

    As part of her advocacy, she has been trying to get the Canadian Museum For Human Rights in Winnipeg to take a closer and more honest look at atrocities committed in North America. She said she would like to see some of the tools used to torture children at Canada's residential schools on display.

    "Children were tortured," she said, referring to the use of an electric chair at St. Anne's Indian Residential School in Fort Albany, Ont. "They want my guitar strap and they want handwritten lyrics … happy, showy things. But I want them to put the damn electric chair right there and to actually show people the doggone Doctrine of Discovery."

    When asked about the 2021 discovery of potential unmarked graves on the grounds of the Tk'emlúps te Secwépemc First Nation, Sainte-Marie said she sees it as progress.

    "Here's my attitude. The good news about the bad news is that more people know about it. Of course I was heartbroken like everybody else, and horrified. But it's not as though I didn't know," she said. "The recent discoveries are so important because it's proof."

    A woman gestures with her hands.
    Sainte-Marie said she considers it an honour to use her platform as an artist and activist to help inform others. (Evan Mitsui/CBC)

    The life and legacy of Sainte-Marie is the subject of a new five-part CBC podcast entitled Buffy, the first episode of which is being released June 21. Despite the retrospective, Sainte-Marie says she prefers to think about what's next.

    She continues to paint and perform. And in recent years she has taken to writing children's books.

    "I'm always looking forward," she said.

    "I'm like a kid when I'm doing whatever it is that I'm doing. I just don't have anybody giving me any red lights when it comes to art, and so I can go anywhere."

    Watch the interview with Buffy Sainte-Marie from The National.


    Support is available for anyone affected by the lingering effects of residential school and those who are triggered by the latest reports.

    A national Indian Residential School Crisis Line has been set up to provide support for residential school survivors and others affected. People can access emotional and crisis referral services by calling the 24-hour national crisis line: 1-866-925-4419.


    Watch full episodes of The National on CBC Gem, the CBC's streaming service.

    ABOUT THE AUTHOR

    Greg Hobbs

    Senior Media Librarian/Producer

    Greg Hobbs is a senior media librarian and producer with The National.

    ===

    Discovery doctrine

    From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
    Jump to navigationJump to search
    Chief Justice John Marshall

    The discovery doctrine, also called doctrine of discovery, is a concept of public international law expounded by the United States Supreme Court in a series of decisions, most notably Johnson v. M'Intosh in 1823. Chief Justice John Marshall explained and applied the way that colonial powers laid claim to lands belonging to foreign sovereign nations during the Age of Discovery. Under it, European Christian governments could lay title to non-European territory on the basis that the colonisers travelled and "discovered" said territory. The doctrine has been primarily used to support decisions invalidating or ignoring aboriginal possession of land in favor of modern governments, such as in the 2005 case of Sherrill v. Oneida Nation.

    The 1823 case was the result of collusive lawsuits where land speculators worked together to make claims to achieve a desired result.[1][2] John Marshall explained the Court's reasoning. The decision has been the subject of a number of law review articles and has come under increased scrutiny by modern legal theorists.

    History[edit]

    The doctrine of discovery was promulgated by European monarchies in order to legitimize the colonization of lands outside of Europe. Between the mid-fifteenth century and the mid-twentieth century, this idea allowed European entities to seize lands inhabited by indigenous peoples under the guise of "discovering new land", those lands not inhabited by Christians.[3]

    In 1452, Pope Nicholas V issued the papal bull Dum Diversas, which authorized Portugal to conquer non-Christians and consign them to "perpetual servitude". His successors issued several bulls confirming or expanding the Portuguese right to subjugate non-European peoples. In 1493, Pope Alexander VI issued the Bulls of Donation justifying Spain's claims to the lands visited by Christopher Columbus in his expeditions of 1492 and later.[4] Portugal ignored the Papal Bull, and in 1494, the two countries concluded the Treaty of Tordesillas, which declared that only non-Christian lands could be colonized under the Doctrine of Discovery, essentially dividing the world unknown to the rest of Europe between them. In 1506, Pope Julius II ratified the Treaty of Tordesillas and sanctioned the "papal line of demarcation" between the Spanish and the Portuguese by issuing the bull "Ea quae pro bono pacis".

    In 1792, U.S. Secretary of State Thomas Jefferson claimed that this European Doctrine of Discovery was international law which was applicable to the new US government as well.[5] The Doctrine and its legacy continue to influence American imperialism and treatment of indigenous peoples.[6]

    Johnson v. M'Intosh[edit]

    The plaintiff Johnson had inherited land, originally purchased from the Piankeshaw tribes. Defendant McIntosh claimed the same land, having purchased it under a grant from the United States. It appears that in 1775 members of the Piankeshaw tribe sold certain land in the Indiana Territory to Lord Dunmore, royal governor of Virginia and others. In 1805 the Piankeshaw conveyed much of the same land to William Henry Harrison, governor of the Indiana Territory, thus giving rise to conflicting claims of title.[7] In reviewing whether the courts of the United States should recognize land titles obtained from Native Americans prior to American independence, the court decided that they should not. Chief Justice John Marshall had large real estate holdings that would have been affected if the case were decided in favor of Johnson. Rather than recuse himself from the case, however, the Chief Justice wrote the decision for a unanimous Supreme Court.[8]

    Decision[edit]

    Marshall found that ownership of land comes into existence by virtue of discovery of that land, a rule that had been observed by all European countries with settlements in the New World. Legally, the United States was the true owner of the land because it inherited that ownership from Britain, the original discoverer.

    Marshall noted:

    On the discovery of this immense continent, the great nations of Europe ... as they were all in pursuit of nearly the same object, it was necessary, in order to avoid conflicting settlements, and consequent war with each other, to establish a principle which all should acknowledge as the law by which the right of acquisition, which they all asserted, should be regulated as between themselves. This principle was that discovery gave title to the government by whose subjects, or by whose authority, it was made, against all other European governments, which title might be consummated by possession. ... The history of America, from its discovery to the present day, proves, we think, the universal recognition of these principles.[9]

    Chief Justice Marshall noted the 1455 papal bull Romanus Pontifex approved Portugal's claims to lands discovered along the coast of West Africa, and the 1493 Inter caetera had ratified Spain's right to conquer newly found lands, after Christopher Columbus had already begun doing so,[10] but stated: "Spain did not rest her title solely on the grant of the Pope. Her discussions respecting boundary, with France, with Great Britain, and with the United States, all show that she placed it on the rights given by discovery. Portugal sustained her claim to the Brazils by the same title."[9]

    United States law[edit]

    Marshall pointed to the exploration charters given to the explorer John Cabot as proof that other nations had accepted the doctrine.[10] The tribes which occupied the land were, at the moment of discovery, no longer completely sovereign and had no property rights but rather merely held a right of occupancy. Further, only the discovering nation or its successor could take possession of the land from the natives by conquest or purchase.

    The doctrine was cited in other cases as well. With Cherokee Nation v. Georgia (1831), it supported the concept that tribes were not independent states but "domestic dependent nations".[10] The decisions in Oliphant v. Suquamish Indian Tribe (1979) and Duro v. Reina (1990) used the doctrine to prohibit tribes from criminally prosecuting first non-Indians, then Indians who were not a member of the prosecuting tribe.[11]

    Legal critique[edit]

    As the Piankeshaw were not party to the litigation, "no Indian voices were heard in a case which had, and continues to have, profound effects on Indian property rights."[12]

    Professor Blake A. Watson of the University of Dayton School of Law finds Marshall's claim of "universal recognition" of the "doctrine of discovery" historically inaccurate.

    In reviewing the history of European exploration Marshall did not take note of Spanish Dominican philosopher Francisco de Vitoria's 1532 De Indis nor De Jure belli Hispanorum in barbaros. Vitoria adopted from Thomas Aquinas the Roman law concept of ius gentium, and concluded that the Indians were rightful owners of their property and that their chiefs validly exercised jurisdiction over their tribes, a position held previously by Palacios Rubios. His defense of American Indians was based on a scholastic understanding of the intrinsic dignity of man, a dignity he found being violated by Spain's policies in the New World.[13] However, the legal scholar Anthony Anghie has demonstrated that Vitoria – after applying to the Indians the concept of ius gentium – then found them to be in violation of international law through their resistance to Spanish exploration and missionary activities. By resisting Spanish incursions, Indians were, according to Vitoria, provoking war with the Spanish invaders, thus justifying Spanish conquest of Indian lands.[14]

    Marshall also overlooked more recent American experience, specifically Roger Williams's purchase of the Providence Plantations. In order to forestall Massachusetts and Plymouth designs on the land, Williams subsequently traveled to England to obtain a patent which referenced the purchase from the natives. The Rhode Island Royal Charter issued by Charles II acknowledged the rights of the Indians to the land.[7]

    Nor does Justice Marshall seem to have taken note of the policy of the Dutch West India Company which only conferred ownership rights in New Netherland after the grantee had acquired title by purchase from the Indian owners, a practice also followed by the Quakers in Pennsylvania Colony.[7]

    Watson and others, such as Robert A. Williams Jr., suggest that Marshall misinterpreted the "discovery doctrine" as giving exclusive right to lands discovered, rather than the exclusive right to treaty with the inhabitants thereof.[7]

    Contemporary advocacy efforts[edit]

    Discovery doctrine has been severely condemned as socially unjust, racist, and in violation of basic and fundamental human rights.[15] The United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (UNPFII) noted the Doctrine of Discovery "aos the foundation of the violation of their (Indigenous people) human rights".[8] The eleventh session of the UNPFII, held at the UN's New York headquarters from 7-18 May 2012, had the special theme of "The Doctrine of Discovery: its enduring impact on indigenous peoples and the right to redress for past conquests (articles 28 and 37 of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples)," [16] and called for a mechanism to investigate historical land claims, with speakers observing that "The Doctrine of Discovery had been used for centuries to expropriate indigenous lands and facilitate their transfer to colonizing or dominating nations...."[17]

    The General Convention of the Episcopal Church, conducted on 8–17 August 2009, passed a resolution officially repudiating the discovery doctrine.[18]

    At the 2012 Unitarian Universalist Association General Assembly in Phoenix, Arizona, delegates passed a resolution repudiating the Doctrine of Discovery and calling on Unitarian Universalists to study the Doctrine and eliminate its presence from the current-day policies, programs, theologies, and structures of Unitarian Universalism.[19]

    In 2013, at its 29th General Synod, the United Church of Christ followed suit in repudiating the doctrine in a near-unanimous vote.[20]

    In 2014, Ruth Hopkins, a tribal attorney and former judge, wrote to Pope Francis asking him to formally revoke the Inter caetera papal bull of 1493.[21]

    At the 2016 Synod, 10-17 June in Grand Rapids, Michigan, delegates to the annual general assembly of the Christian Reformed Church rejected the Doctrine of Discovery as heresy in response to a study report on the topic.[22]

    At the 222nd General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.) (2016), commissioners called on members of the church to confess the church's complicity and repudiate the Doctrine of Discovery. The commissioners directed that a report be written reviewing the history of the Doctrine of Discovery; that report was approved by the 223rd General Assembly (2018), along with recommendations for a variety of additional actions that could be taken by the church at all levels to acknowledge indigenous peoples and to confront racism against them.[23]

    In 2016, the Churchwide Assembly of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America (ELCA), adopted Assembly Action CA16.02.04 entitled Repudiation of the Doctrine of Discovery by a vote of 912-28, describing the Doctrine of Discovery as "an example of the 'improper mixing of the power of the church and the power of the sword'"[24]

    Later in 2016, on November 3, a group of 524 clergy publicly burned copies of Inter caetera, a specific papal bull underpinning the doctrine,[25] as part of the Dakota Access Pipeline protests near the Standing Rock Indian Reservation.[26][27]

    See also[edit]

    References[edit]

    1. ^ How the Indians Lost Their Land: Law and Power on the Frontier Stuart Banner, 2005, pg 171–2
    2. ^ The Dark Side of Efficiency: Johnson v. M'Intosh and the Expropriation of American Indian Lands, Eric Kades, 148 U. Pa. L. Rev. 1065 2000, pg 148
    3. ^ Harjo, Susan Shown (2014). Nation to Nation: Treaties Between the United States & American Indians. Washington, DC: National Museum of the American Indian. pp. 15–16. ISBN 978-1-58834-478-6.
    4. ^ "The Doctrine of Discovery, 1493"www.gilderlehrman.org. The Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History. Retrieved July 25, 2022.
    5. ^ Dunbar-Ortiz, Roxanne. "The United States Is Founded Upon the Model of European Conquest: Dispose of the Disposable People"Truthout.
    6. ^ Dunbar-Ortiz, Roxanne (2014). An Indigenous Peoples' History of the United States. Boston: Beacon Press. pp. 197–201.
    7. Jump up to:a b c d "Watson, Blake A., "John Marshall and Indian Land Rights: A Historical Rejoinder to the Claim of "Universal Recognition" of the Doctrine of Discovery", Seton Hall Law Review, Vol.36, 481" (PDF).
    8. Jump up to:a b Frichner, Tonya Gonnella. (2010). “Preliminary Study of the Impact on Indigenous Peoples of the International Legal Construct Known as the Doctrine of Discovery.” E/C.19/2010/13. Presented at the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, Ninth Session, United Nations Economic and Social Council, New York, 27 Apr 2010.
    9. Jump up to:a b "Marshall, John. "Johnson v. M'Intosh", 21 U.S. 543, 5 L.Ed. 681, 8 Wheat. 543 (1823)" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2015-09-24. Retrieved 2014-07-23.
    10. Jump up to:a b c Newcomb, Steve (Fall 1992). "Five Hundred Years of Injustice"Shaman's Drum: 18–20. Retrieved 2007-01-10.
    11. ^ Robertson, Lindsay G. (June 2001). "Native Americans and the Law: Native Americans Under Current United States Law"Native American Constitution and Law Digitization Project. The University of Oklahoma Law Center. Retrieved 2007-01-10.
    12. ^ Dussias, Allison M., "Squaw Drudges, Farm Wives, and the Dann Sisters' Last Stand: American Indian Women’s Resistance to Domestication and the Denial of Their Property Rights", 77 N.C. L. REV. 637, 645 (1999)
    13. ^ Pagden, Anthony. Vitoria: Political Writings, Cambridge University Press, 1991
    14. ^ Anthony Anghie, Imperialism, Sovereignty, and the Making of International Law (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005): Ch. 1 “Francisco de Vitoria and the Colonial Origins of International Law.”
    15. ^ "Department of Economic and Social Affairs - Social Policy and Development Division; Home"1map.com.
    16. ^ "UNPFII Eleventh Session", United Nations Economic and Social Council, New York. Retrieved 15 Sep 2019.
    17. ^ United Nations. (2012-05-08). “‘Doctrine of Discovery’, Used for Centuries to Justify Seizure of Indigenous Land, Subjugate Peoples, Must Be Repudiated by United Nations, Permanent Forum Told” (media release). HR/5088. Forum on Indigenous Issues, Eleventh Session, United Nations Economic and Social Council, New York. Retrieved 15 Sep 2019.
    18. ^ Schjonberg, Mary Frances. "General Convention renounces Doctrine of Discovery"Episcopal Life Online, 27 August 2009.
    19. ^ "Doctrine of Discovery and Rights of Indigenous Peoples"UUA.org. February 17, 2016.
    20. ^ "General Synod delegates overwhelmingly approve resolution repudiating the Doctrine of Discovery"www.ucc.org.
    21. ^ Hopkins, Ruth. "A Letter to Pope Francis: Abolish the Papal Bull Behind Colonization!"Indian Country Today.
    22. ^ "Synod 2016 Rejects Doctrine of Discovery as Heresy". Retrieved 2016-07-21.
    23. ^ PC(USA) "Doctrine of Discovery Report". For action by the 222nd General Assembly (2016), see business item 11-17; for actions by the 223rd General Assembly (2018), see business item 10-12 and 10-13.
    24. ^ "RepudiationDoctrineofDiscoverySPR2016" (PDF).
    25. ^ "The Doctrine of Discovery Helped Define Native American Policies".
    26. ^ "Clergy repudiate 'doctrine of discovery' as hundreds support indigenous rights at Standing Rock". 4 November 2016.
    27. ^ "Image Gallery: 500 interfaith clergy and laity answered the call to stand with Standing Rock". 3 November 2016.

    Further reading[edit]

    External links[edit]

    ===

    発見 (国際法)

    出典: フリー百科事典『ウィキペディア(Wikipedia)』

    国際法における発見 (はっけん) は、かつて領域権原のひとつとして認められるか争われた概念である[1]。今日では無主地の発見は「未成熟の権原」にとどまるものであり、その後妥当な期間内に現実の占有行為がない場合には完全な領域権原の取得原因とは認められない[2]

    沿革[編集]

    16世紀半ばごろまでには発見を完全な領域権原の取得原因として認める立場があった[2]。こうした立場の中にも、単に無主地を発見すればその後に占有意思を示す行為がなくても領域権原を取得できるとする立場と、それだけでは不十分で国旗掲揚や標柱の設置などのような占有の意思を示す象徴的行為まで必要とする立場があった[2]。こうした立場に従えば、発見のみによって有効に領域権原を取得できることとなる[2]

    ところが19世紀以降になると、世界的に無主地がほとんどなくなり、発見だけではなく実効的占有を領域権原取得の要件とするようになっていき、発見だけを理由にその地域に排他的な影響力を及ぼすことは許されなくなっていった[2]。19世紀後半から20世紀前半ごろになると、領域権原の取得原因は先占添付割譲時効征服の5つに限られるとする考え方が一般的になっていく[3]。今日では無主地を発見したのみでその後の現実の占有行為がない場合には領域権原の取得原因とは認められず、後述する「未成熟な権原」にとどまるものとされている[2]

    未成熟の権原[編集]

    今日において発見は確定的な領域権原を設定するものではなく、「未成熟の権原」となるに過ぎないとされている[2]。領域権原の取得原因である先占として認められるためには発見のみでは不十分であり、その土地の使用や定住を伴う物理的支配権の行使や確立が必要とされている[4]。そのような立場を示したものとして、16世紀初めに島を発見したスペインの領有権を条約により継承したとするアメリカと、原住民との協定や18世紀以降の主権行使の事実を主張したオランダの間で島の領有権が争われた1928年のパルマス島事件常設仲裁裁判所判決があげられる[4]。同判決において裁判所は、決定的期日の時点で発見に基づくスペインの主権が存続していたかを検討し、もし16世紀に発見のみによってスペインの権原が認められたとしても、その後のスペインの権利の継続的な存在は決定的期日の時点で有効な法によって判断されなければならないとして、単なる発見の事実は無主地の先占による領域権原の取得を認めるには不十分だと判断した[4]。発見による「未成熟の権原」は、他国による継続的かつ平和的な主権の行使に優越しないと判断されたのである[2]

    出典[編集]

    1. ^ 「発見」、『国際法辞典』、282頁。
    2. a b c d e f g h 山本(2001)、287-288頁。
    3. ^ 小寺(2006)、229頁。
    4. a b c 杉原(2008)、106-108頁。

    参考文献[編集]

    • 小寺彰、岩沢雄司、森田章夫 『講義国際法』有斐閣、2006年。ISBN 4-641-04620-4
    • 杉原高嶺、水上千之、臼杵知史、吉井淳、加藤信行、高田映 『現代国際法講義』有斐閣、2008年。ISBN 978-4-641-04640-5
    • 筒井若水 『国際法辞典』有斐閣、2002年。ISBN 4-641-00012-3
    • 山本草二 『国際法【新版】』有斐閣、2003年。ISBN 4-641-04593-3

    関連項目[編集]